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Tuesday 14 september 2010 2 14 /09 /Sep /2010 19:03

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 
 


 
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Tuesday 14 september 2010 2 14 /09 /Sep /2010 18:56

Panglong Agreement

• Full autonomy in internal administration of the Frontier Areas was to be accepted in principle.
• A separate Kachin state was agreed to be desirable, subject to discussion in the Constituent Assembly.
• Citizens of the Frontier Areas were to enjoy the rights and privileges regarded as fundamental in democratic countries.
• The financial autonomy of the Federated Shan States was not to be affected.
• Financial assistance to the Kachin and Chin Hills likewise was not to be affected, and the feasibility of the same arrangement for them as existed with the Shan states to be considered.

References;
1. Smith, Martin (1991). Burma - Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity. London and New Jersey: Zed Books. .
2. Houtman, Gustaaf (2007). "Aung San’s lan-zin, the Blue Print and the Japanese occupation of Burma - in Kei Nemoto ed. Reconsidering the Japanese military occupation in Burma (1942-45)". Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (ILCAA). Tokyo: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. ISBN978-4-87297. pp. 179–227.
Panglong Conference

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Panglong Conference (Burmese: ပင္‌လုံစာခုပ္‌), held in February 1947, was an historic meeting that took place at Panglong in the Shan States in Burma between the Shan, Kachin and Chin ethnic minority leaders and Aung San, head of the interim Burmese government. On the agenda was the united struggle for independence from Britain and the future of Burma after independence as a unified republic.
Contents
• 1 History
• 2 First Panglong conference
• 3 Panglong Agreement
• 4 Legacy
• 5 Rebellion
• 6 Personal journeys
• 7 References
• 8 External links

History
Burma has been called an anthropologist's paradise. Various groups of people migrated south into the Irrawaddy- Chindwin, Sittang and Salween valleys from the China-Tibet region in the latter part of the first millennium, the Mon followed by the Tibeto-Burman and Tai - Shan races. The main groups were the Mon, Bamar, Shan and Rakhine, establishing their own kingdoms, and the first three groups vying for supremacy. The Bamar under Anawrahta in the 11th century, Bayinnaung in the 16th century, and Alaungpaya in the 18th century unified and expanded their kingdoms establishing the first, second and third Burmese Empires respectively, whilst the Shan were ascendent during the 14th and the 15th centuries. The ancient Mon kingdom in the south was finally overwhelmed by the Bamar into submission only in the mid-18th century, and the Arakan annexed subsequently, establishing a Bamar-dominant nation state approximately within its current boundaries. Although the Arakan and Monlands were under Bamar administration, the Shanlands and the Trans-Salween states of the Karen and Karenni were never under direct control but only under Burmese suzerainty.

The British fought three wars with Burma in 1824, 1852 and 1885, culminating in the loss of Burmese sovereignty and independence. They established a colonial administration 'at least possible cost' according to Lord Dufferin,and a distinction between the hills and the plains that evolved during the arduous annexation process, due to armed resistance not just from the Bamar but from the Shan, Chin and Kachin, became formalised into Ministerial Burma, formerly Burma Proper, and the Frontier Areas. The Shan and Karreni Saophas or Sawbwas, and Kachin Duwas were left to continue their feudatory rule in their areas; the Karenni states were never even included within the borders of British Burma. In parliament, seats were reserved for the Karen, immigrant Chinese, Indian and Anglo-Burmese minorities, an arrangement bitterly opposed by many Burmese politicians. The Mon of Lower Burma and the Rakhine included in Ministerial Burma had no representation at all even though the plains Karen (the majority of the Karen population) and the Mon shared the Irrawaddy Delta of Lower Burma.

The draining of the marshes for rice cultivation drew Burman migration into British Burma even before the final annexation of Upper Burma. The Bamar however were virtually excluded from military service, and even as late as 1939 there were only 432 Burmans in the army compared with 1448 Karens, 886 Chins and 881 Kachins. Karen villagers had acted as guides for the British during the Anglo-Burmese Wars, and Karen troops had played a major part in the suppression of rebellions in Lower Burma in 1886 and again in the Saya San rebellion of 1930-32.

American, British and other European missionaries had also succeeded in converting the hills peoples to Christianity, the Karen in particular, and also the Kachin and Chin, whereas they made very little headway among the Buddhist Bamar, Mon, Rakhine, Shan and the plains Karen. Once they had benefited from a Christian education, Karen migration to towns in Lower Burma and the Tenasserim also increased. Burman leaders would blame the 'divide and rule' policy of Western imperialists and the 'servile streak' in the ethnic minorities who would look up to them; U Nu, the first prime minister of independent Burma, was later to accuse certain missionaries and writers of 'having deliberately sown the seeds of racial and religious conflict'. The ethnic minorities would, in turn, point the finger at Burman 'chauvinism' and 'oppression'.

The Frontier Areas or Scheduled Areas were divided into Part I or Excluded Areas such as the Kachin state with no right of election to parliament, and Part II or Partially Excluded Areas subdivided into 2 groups, one with electoral representation such as Myitkyina and Bhamo with Kachin minority and Shan/Burman majorities, and the other group with no electoral representation. A Federal Council of Shan Chiefs was formed in 1922 which gave the Shan and their Sawbwas an important channel for representation. The Burma Frontier Service boasted just 40 members employed in the administration of the entire Scheduled Areas at the outbreak of the Second World War.

When the Japanese invaded Burma in 1942, the Karen remained loyal to and fought with the British, and consequently suffered at the hands of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) under Gen. Aung San as well as the Japanese Army. Villages were destroyed and massacres committed in their areas, and among the victims were Saw Pe Tha, a pre-war cabinet minister, and his family.[1]

First Panglong conference
In March 1946, the Saophas or Chaofa (Sawbwa in Burmese) of the Shan states sponsored a conference at Panglong in order to discuss the future of the Shan states after independence. It was led by the Saopha of Yawnghwe Sao Shwe Thaik, and the Kachin, Chin and Karen representatives were also invited. They realised that Burma would soon gain independence from the British, and that the Frontier Areas faced a real risk of remaining a British dominion since the hill tracts were deemed backward and not yet ready for self-determination. The pre-war prime minister U Saw and Thakin Nu from the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) gave speeches as the Burman majority representatives, and a message from the British Governor was read out which reiterated the White Paper policy that no decisions would be made on the Frontier Areas and their peoples without their full consent.

The Chin delegates expressed their sense of insecurity stemming from their heavy economic dependence on Burma Proper, hence their weak bargaining position. The Kachins were critical of U Nu's diatribe against the British and sceptical of Burman sincerity as regards equal rights. The Karens wanted a separate state that included the Tenasserim seaboard. The one positive outcome was the formation of a United Burma Cultural Society with Sao Shwe Thaik as chairman and U Saw as secretary.

Relations later improved between the hills peoples and the AFPFL through contacts such as the Sama Duwa Sinwa Nawng, a Buddhist Kachin whose father was killed in the fight against British annexation at the turn of the century, and who himself raised Kachin levies and fought with the Burma National Army (BNA) in the Second World War, also the Chin leader Vamthu Mawng, and the Sawbwa of the Pa-O substate of Hsihseng (Hsahtung or Thaton) Sao Khun Kyi. In November 1946, a Supreme Council of the United Hills Peoples was formed at the instigation of the AFPFL, and Sao Shwe Thaik was elected as president.

The minority leaders however continued to lobby London and the Frontier Areas Administration (FAA) directly at the same time the AFPFL was in almost continuous consultation with the British authorities for independence. The Karen National Associations (KNA), founded in 1881, had argued at the 1917 Montagu-Chelmsford hearings in India that Burma was not "yet in a fit state for self-government" to the dismay of Burmese nationalists, but 3 years later, after submitting a criticism of the 1920 Craddock Reforms, won for themselves 5 (later 12) seats in the Legislative Council of 130 (later 132) members. Sao Shwe Thaik and Sawbwa of Mong Mit Sao Khin Maung travelled to London to argue for an independent Shan state at the Burma Round Table hearings in 1931, despite the British Governor's disapproval. The Karen Goodwill Mission to London in August 1946 likewise failed to receive any encouragement for their separatist demands from the British government.

H.N.C.Stevenson, the director of the FAA, criticised by both the Burma Office and the AFPFL, lamented the lost opportunities, and the lack of economic data or coordination between the Frontier Areas and Ministerial Burma. He stated,"I believe that the multiplication of and strengthening of the economic relations between the hills and the plains will be the shortest and most inexpensive route to a unified Burma."
In Blueprint for a Free Burma, composed by the Japanese military but wrongfully attributed to Aung San, the question of minorities is addressed in similar vein:
"the essential prerequisite is the building of one unified nation. In concrete terms it means we must now bridge all gulfs now existing through British machinations between the major Burmese race and the hill peoples, the Arakanese, the Shans and unite all these peoples into one nation with equal treatment unlike the present system which divides our people into 'backward' and 'administered' sections. All the natural barriers that make mutual associations and contacts shall be overcome, for instance, by construction of effective modern communications such as railways and roads."

Panglong Agreement
A significant breakthrough came when an agreement was signed between the Shan, Kachin and Chin leaders, and Aung San as leader of the Governor's Executive Council at the second Panglong Conference on February 12, 1947. The Karens sent only 4 observers; also absent were the Mon and Arakanese representatives as they were not considered separately, but within Ministerial Burma.[1] There were 23 signatories in all expressing their willingness to work with the 'interim Burmese government' in order to achieve independence speedily, and agreeing in principle the formation of a 'Union of Burma'.

• The Agreement proposed a Counsellor to the Governor to be appointed and co-opted as a member of the Executive Council, on recommendation by the Supreme Council of United Hills Peoples, in order to deal with the Frontier Areas, thus bringing the subject 'within the purview of the Executive Council', and the Counsellor to be assisted by 2 deputies who should also be allowed to attend relevant meetings of the EC.
• Full autonomy in internal administration of the Frontier Areas was to be accepted in principle.
• A separate Kachin state was agreed to be desirable, subject to discussion in the Constituent Assembly.
• Citizens of the Frontier Areas were to enjoy the rights and privileges regarded as fundamental in democratic countries.

• The financial autonomy of the Federated Shan States was not to be affected.
• Financial assistance to the Kachin and Chin Hills likewise was not to be affected, and the feasibility of the same arrangement for them as existed with the Shan states to be considered.
The British were left in no doubt that Aung San and the Burman dominated AFPFL were able to mediate with the leaders of the hills peoples. Sao Shwe Thaik was appointed Counsellor to the Governor, with Sinwa Nawng and Vumthu Mawng as his deputies. Aung San's assurance on the day, "If Burma receives one kyat, you will also get one kyat", has often been quoted by ethnic nationalists since.
[1]Legacy
Thanks to the Panglong Agreement, the Union of Burma came into being after independence on January 4, 1948, and February 12 has been celebrated since as 'Union Day'. The spirit of Panglong is often invoked, although many today feel that another Panglong is long overdue. The debate certainly needs to move on from the old black-and-white caricatures of 'imperialist stooges' and 'chauvinist oppressors' for any progress to be made.
Even at the time, there was no representation from the Karen and Karenni,no consideration regarding the Mon and Rakhine as they fell within Ministerial Burma, and the Pa-O, Palaung and Wa were subsumed under the Shan states, although the Saopha of Tawngpeng Palaung substate was among the signatories. The Frontier Areas Commission of Enquiry (FACE) was set up in April/May 1947 as a condition of the Aung San-Attlee Agreement of January 27, 1947, and although the Burmese independence movement was represented by just one united front, the AFPFL, there were 50 often conflicting groups from the hill tracts; the Delta Karen, Mon and Rakhine were still excluded.

The shortcomings of the conference which resurfaced in the Constituent Assembly, and the consequent inadequacies of the Constitution promulgated on September 24, 1947, were to emerge soon after independence, and in fact in the Arakan the veteran monk U Seinda had already started a rebellion in May 1947. The Karen had isolated themselves further by boycotting both the EC and the elections to the Constituent Assembly, notwithstanding seats reserved for them, though persistent in their demand for an independent state similar to the kind their cousins, the Karenni, had enjoyed under their own Sawbwas; their future was as a result left unsettled, deferred till after independence. The Kachin had to make concessions in their representation in parliament in exchange for the inclusion of Myitkyina and Bhamo, towns with Shan and Burman majorities, in the new state, although in the hills the Duwas would continue their rule. The Chin ended up with no state, only a special division. The Mon and Rakhine again were not even considered separately. One Mon group contested unsuccessfully at the elections which they claimed were rigged, but another boycotted; the Mon after independence threw in their lot with the Karen and joined the rebellion.

Rebellion
The Regional Autonomy Enquiry Commission in October 1948, though now expanded to include 6 Karens, 6 Mons, 5 Arakanese, 7 Burmans and 4 others, did not report until February 1949, by which time the Karen rebellion had already broken out. The Karen had repeated their controversial demand to include Karen majority areas of the Irrawaddy Delta in the independent Karen state as well as a joint Mon-Karen independent state in the areas of the Tenasserim where they could not stake an exclusive claim.

Communal relations turned sour when the AFPFL government deployed Karen and Kachin troops, which proved to be ruthlessly efficient, in suppressing the Burmese Communist rebellion that started in March 1948 centred on their stronghold of Pyinmana.[1] The situation went from bad to worse when U Nu raised the Sitwundan auxiliary troops in order to reduce the government's heavy dependence on ethnic troops, and not least in anticipation of a Karen insurrection. They were put under the command of Maj. Gen. Ne Win and not the Army Chief of Staff Gen. Smith Dun, a Karen who was later removed and replaced by Ne Win on January 31, 1949. They soon outnumbered the Karen Rifles and Union Military Police (UMP), and were subsequently used against the Karen National Defence Organisation (KNDO), a paramiltary force formed in July 1947 by the Karen National Union (KNU), and the Karen UMP units.

History repeated itself when the KNU was judged to be a separatist movement as an 'imperialist plot' at the Left Unity talks in July/August 1948 between the AFPFL and the PVO (Pyithu yèbaw or People's Volunteer Organisation, a paramilitary force formed earlier by Aung San from BIA veterans) and their allies the Communists. A gun-running plot had been uncovered involving an Anglo-Burmese officer ,Capt. Vivian, who was convicted and jailed but later escaped with the Karen; he was linked to U Saw who was in the frame for the assassination of Aung San and 6 other cabinet members in July 1947. Another plot led by Col. Cromarty-Tulloch, an ex-Force 136 adventurer, and a few other Britons and Anglo-Burmese officers, in the early days of the Karen insurrection, was also uncovered shortly after it started. Naw Seng, a commander of the Kachin Rifles, after being dispatched to suppress the Karen revolt, joined the KNDO whose ranks now swelled from the defection of the Karen Rifles; he then went on to lead the Pawng Yawng rebellion before going into exile to China in 1950, only to make a comeback in 1968 as a Communist commander.

It was not just the Karen and Mon that rose up in rebellion, soon after independence in early 1949. The Rakhine led by the veteran monk U Seinda started an insurrection as early as 1946 followed by the Rakhine Mujahid in December 1947 in northern Arakan along the border of today's Bangladesh, migrants and their descendants from East Bengal. The Karenni revolt however was precipitated by a Baptist-Catholic split in its leadership in August 1948, when the veteran leader Bee Tu Re was brutally murdered, and as a result the Kyebogyi Sawbwa Sao Shwe took up arms against the AFPFL-backed Kantarawaddy Sawbwa Sao Wunna, both ex-Force 136 and erstwhile comrades-in-arms, and Sao Shwe was later aided by Tulloch.

But it was not until the early 1960s that the Kachin rebellion, triggered by the former Marxist U Nu's declaration of Buddhism as state religion, and the Shan rebellion, triggered by Gen. Ne Win's coup d'etat of March 1962, took off. In fact it was the Shan Federal Movement, led by Sao Shwe Thaik and aspiring to a 'loose' federation with Burma, but seen by army hardliners as a separatist movement insisting on the government honouring the right to secession after 10 years provided for by the 1947 Constitution to both the Shan and the Karenni, which precipitated the coup. Ne Win had already stripped the Sawbwas of their feudal powers in exchange for comfortable pensions for life in 1959 during his caretaker government. His 1962 coup put paid to the 1947 Constitution and what little remained of the Panglong spirit. The Chin launched a rebellion also in the 1960s. The Kayan insurgency in the Shan substate of Mong Pai was triggered by the first 'demonitisation' declaring the 100 and 50 kyat notes illegal in 1964 which wiped out the savings of hill farmers as well as the rest of the country.

Personal journeys
Aung San was assassinated with several members of his cabinet, including Sao Sarm Htun, the Saopha of Mong Pawng and a signatory of the Agreement, and a Karen member Mahn Ba Khaing, on July 19, 1947, just months after Panglong and before independence; July 19 has been commemorated since as 'Martyrs' Day'. U Saw was convicted and hanged in May 1948 for his role in the crime. The Socialist leader Thakin Nu became the first Prime Minister of independent Burma as a direct consequence of Aung San's untimely death and the earlier expulsion of the Burmese Communists from the AFPFL. Sao Shwe Thaik was elected the first President of independent Burma (1948-52), arrested at the time of the 1962 coup when his youngest son was the one fatality, shot dead, in what was generally described as a 'bloodless' coup, and he himself died shortly afterwards in custody. His wife Mahadevi and son Chao-Tzang Yawnghwe formed the Shan State Army (SSA) in 1964 taking the Shan rebellion that started in 1958 to a new phase.

Sinwa Nawng and Vamthu Mawng both became cabinet ministers in the first AFPFL government. Brang Seng, the late Chairman of the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) and former headmaster of Myitkyina Baptist Mission High School, was the nephew of one of the Kachin signatories Lawdan Duwa Zau La. Khun Kya Nu, a leader of the SSA and former Rangoon University student, is the son of one of the Shan delegates at Panglong, Kya Bu.

References
1. Smith, Martin (1991). Burma - Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity. London and New Jersey: Zed Books. pp. 42–43,44–46,62,73–74,46,72 ,76,78–80,78,84,79,86,114– 115,116–118,113–114,,141,112–113,195,193,94,69–70,79,195,220,192.
2. Houtman, Gustaaf (2007). "Aung San’s lan-zin, the Blue Print and the Japanese occupation of Burma - in Kei Nemoto ed. Reconsidering the Japanese military occupation in Burma (1942-45)". Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (ILCAA). Tokyo: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. ISBN978-4-87297. pp. 179–227. http://ghoutman.googlepages.com/houtmanAung-sanslan-zintheblueprinta.pdf.
3. "The Panglong Agreement, 1947". Online Burma/Myanmar Library. http://www.ibiblio.org/obl/docs/panglong_agreement.htm.
4. "The New Panglong Initiative". Ethnic Nationalities Council (Union of Burma). http://www.encburma.org/enc/Policy_Papers/The_New_Panglong_Initiative.pdf.
External links
• Kachin National Organization
• The Panglong Agreement, 1947 in Burmese and English inc. photos, New Era Journal
• In the Name of Panglong: Hailing the 57th Anniversary Union Day New Light of Myanmar inc. photos
• Federalism in Burma Online Burma/Myanmar Library
• Mon, Shan: New Draft Constitution for Real Union of Burma UNPO
• Shan State Affairs Chao Hso Hom
• Burma's Ex-Insurgents: The Mon Ceasefire and Political Transition Ashley South
• Monland Restoration Council
• Arakan Information Website
• Revolution Reviewed: The Karens' Struggle for Right to Self-determination and Hope for the Future Saw Kapi, February 24, 2006
• Fifty Years of Struggle: A Review of the Fight for the Karen People's Autonomy {abridged) Ba Saw Khin, 1998 (revised 2005)
• Pa-O, the Forgotten People Nandar Chann, The Irrawaddy, May 2004
• Determined Resistance: An Interview with Gen. Saw Bo Mya Irrawaddy, October 2003
• Echoing the Party Line: An Interview with Tu Jai Irrawaddy, October 2003
• Shaky Future for the KIO Naw Seng, Irrawaddy, April 2004
• A Rocky Road Khun Sam, The Irrawaddy, November 2005
• At What Price? Gold Mining in Kachin State, Burma Images Asia and Pan Kachin Development Society, November 2004, fully illustrated with photos
• KITE: Karenni Independence Through Education
• Karrenis, The Forgotten People of the World Kayan New Generation Youth (KNGY), June 4 2005
• Federal Constitution Drafting Process Ethnic Nationalities Council (Union of Burma)
• National Democratic Front (Burma)
• Chin UNPO
• Burma and Federalism Dr Vum Son, June
• Zomi Re-unification Movement
• Independence or Federalism Harn Yawnghwe, Chinland Guardian, April 9 2005
• The Union Question in Burmese, Nguyinpyin.net
By Htoigintawng.over-blog.com
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Tuesday 7 september 2010 2 07 /09 /Sep /2010 09:15

The Stuff of Intelligence Legend

Edited by Troy J. Sacquety


Historical Note: On April 14, 1942, William Donovan, as Coordinator of Information (forerunner of the Office of Strategic Services), activated Detachment 101 for action behind enemy lines in Burma. The first unit of its kind, the Detachment was charged with gathering intelligence, harassing the Japanese through guerrilla actions, identifying targets for the Army Air Force to bomb, and rescuing downed Allied airmen. Because Detachment 101 was never larger than a few hundred Americans, it relied on support from various tribal groups in Burma. In particular, the vigorously anti-Japanese Kachin people were vital to the unit’s success. By the time of its deactivation on July 12, 1945, Detachment 101 had scored impressive results. According to official statistics, with a loss of some 22 Americans, Detachment 101 killed 5,428 Japanese and rescued 574 Allied personnel.[1] The unit’s accomplishments garnered a Presidential Unit Citation and helped to prove to the United States military the worth of clandestine and special operations units.

 

Photo of Carl F. Eifler

Eifler, in 1921 at age 15, in the Philippines with
an Army aerial photography unit. He was discharged
two years later when his true age was discovered.

 

Detachment 101’s first chief, Carl F. Eifler, was the stuff of intelligence legend. Later dubbed the “most dangerous colonel,” Eifler was a burly, athletic man who used his brains as nimbly as his brawn. He was a former Los Angeles policeman, customs agent in Mexico, and Army Reserve officer, who had known the commander of the American military liaison mission in China, General Joseph Stilwell. Donovan recruited him to run Detachment 101 when Stilwell insisted on having an officer he trusted in that position. Eifler, in turn, assembled the original members of the Detachment for a mystery assignment, and soon they were all on board ships bound for India. Detachment 101 began working with the Kachins behind enemy lines in Burma in December 1942.

Late in 1943, Eifler needed to re-establish contact with one of the Detachment’s isolated bases—Mission Forward—headed by Maj. William C. Wilkinson. The following letter, found in the National Archives, is a trip report by Colonel Eifler to Carl Hoffman, head of OSS activities in the China-Burma-India theater. It describes Eifler’s journey to Mission Forward and the fate of the first aircraft owned by Detachment 101.[2] The letter bears witness to the extreme difficulty of clandestine operations in Burma during World War II and illustrates how much the OSS had to rely upon local allies.

In italics are insertions by the editor for clarification or spelling corrections, leaving largely intact the letter as it was hand typed by Col. Eifler in 1943.

 

November 4, 1943

Dear Carl,

The following will give you some idea of my little excursion into Burma. As you know, there was some doubt for a while as to whether I would get the Piper Cubs or not. One of the planes was finally delivered to me in Calcutta, but prior to the time that it was assembled, the Navy put a stop order on it being assembled. A few wires back and forth between you and me, and this problem was another that could be placed in the file marked “solved.” I then ordered the plane assembled.

I arrived in Calcutta the latter part of September, and made arrangements with the C.N.A.C. [China National Aviation Corporation] to furnish me a pilot to check me out on the plane. I was overdue in Burma to meet Major Wilkinson, and was anxious to get going. On the other hand, I knew that I had not flown for a number of years, and there was too much at stake for me to take chances with the plane. A young pilot [David Majors] who had every known license or certificate in Aviation to fly any land or sea plane, who was a former instructor in the Army and in civilian life, was assigned to check me out, and fly the plane to Assam [in India].

I did not want to waste time in Calcutta, so after one flight of half an hour merely to get the feel of the plane, we checked out for Assam. We checked weather prior to the time that we left Calcutta, and there was a low-pressure area through which we had to pass. However, we felt that we could skirt around the side of it, and make Assam okay. Not having any radio equipment in the plane, we were not aware that the area moved faster than we contemplated until we got into it. It was one of the toughest bits of flying that I have had in my life. The plane, being light, was tossed about at the will of the elements. At one time we found ourselves blind flying 400 feet from the ground with no blind flying instruments. But Majors was equal to the task, and brought us through okay, although he states that he never cares to go through a similar bit of flying again. We were the only plane in five days to come through that storm from Calcutta to Assam, and that, Mister, is saying something, because all planes out here are equipped for instrument flying. Majors worked with me for a couple of days, and checked me out on the plane. However, in the meantime, he became quite interested in my mission, and I became quite interested in him. Though to this day he does not know exactly what the mission was, he knew that I intended to fly into the mountains of Burma and land the plane. I could see that it was to my advantage to have a pilot more experienced than myself in this initial flight, and finally propositioned him to go with me. He accepted so quickly that I had no chance to back out, even had I desired to.

 

Off to Burma

On the second of October, we left our headquarters for Fort Hertz [last Allied bastion remaining in Burma]. The weather was not too good, but by flying between, around, under, and over the clouds—we could not take a chance on entering any of them for they might have had a rock center—we finally found a pass and cleared it at an altitude of 10,400 feet. If anyone had been standing on the side of the mountain as we passed by, I’m quite sure I could have reached out and shook hands with him, so steep were the mountains that rose on either side of the plane. But by playing tag with the clouds and winding about the peaks, we finally saw the plains of Patao beneath us. We landed just before dark, and walked the two miles to our headquarters. The [Kachin] Levies furnished a guard for the plane, and we spent a comfortable night in Fort Hertz with Major Aitken. The following morning the weather was not too good. We wired headquarters to wire Wilkinson to build a fire on either end of the field, and to give us hourly weather reports. Our radio communication, I am sorry to say, was not the best. By 10 o’clock in the morning we had had no contact with Wilkinson, and the weather was closing in. Finally at 12 o’clock I decided to make a try without establishing contact, telling the boys in a laughing manner that if we weren’t back before dark they would know that we were down someplace.

We took off. I was navigating and Majors was flying. We were on the beam all the way, and passed to the side of the temporary field built by Wilkinson by approximately half a mile. It was so situated that it could not be seen from where we were, and we missed it. However, after traveling some ten miles beyond, realizing that we were too far south, we turned about and started searching the area. In a short time we located the field. I assure you that it didn’t look too good. Neither Wilkinson nor any of the natives that had been working with him had any idea about building a field, but they had done their best. The field was built in a box canyon. There was only one approach, and that was not a straight one, either in landing or taking off. One would have to bank just a few feet above the ground and make a turn in taking off, then almost immediately after the bank go into figure “i’s” and attempt to gain altitude. Of course losing altitude could be done by sliping [sic]. I hesitated a couple of minutes. It was necessary that I talk to Wilkinson. I asked Majors what he thought of it. He said, “Not too good, Colonel. We can get down, and I think we can get off, but it’s gonna be close.” Well, to make a long story short, it had to be done, so I said put her down.

Photo of men on customs duty.

On customs duty with the Army in Hawaii, 1937. Eifler is second from left.

 

We got in okay, but we found the field in even worse condition than it appeared from the air. There had been rain, and the field was soft, and instead of being flat, one half of it sloped downward and the other half sloped upward. There was a knoll a few hundred yards just beyond the end of the field from which the tall trees had been cut, but brush still six to eight feet high was standing. While I discussed plans with Wilkinson, Majors carefully looked over the area, and twice flew the plane off the field. He then suggested that we clear the knoll upon the end of the field, which would give us an additional six to eight feet clearance [needed for liftoff with a second person on board]. This we did. We had been on the ground four hours. My business with Wilkinson was completed. The knoll was cleared. The time arrived to leave.

Then came the takeoff. We knew it was going to be close, but did not think it would be as close as it was. We started from the far end of the field, with two men on either side of the plane pushing to help get a quick start. We used the entire 1500 feet of the runway, and then pulled it into the air, but my additional weight was just too much. I cannot describe the feeling that I had when I realized we were going to crash, and Majors said to his dying day he would not get over his surprise. But we didn’t have long to wait. The wheels struck a marshy spot, and I assumed the landing gear was wiped off at that time. However, I am sure I would not be able to swear to this. The next moment the plane dove head-on into the knoll. We came to a sudden and violent stop. Both of us sat there for approximately twenty seconds without moving. I am sure I don’t know whether I was stunned or just surprised that I was not hurt. After approximately 20 seconds [when] neither of us had moved an eyelash, Majors, with a very quick motion reached up and snapped off the switch, and I started to laugh, for if the plane was going to catch fire it would have been on fire by then. That broke the tension, and we asked each other if we were hurt. In both cases the answer was in the negative, although an hour or so later I noticed my leg was cut, and my mouth was swollen where evidently I had struck it against the back of Majors’ seat.

 

Taking Disaster in Stride

Well, there is no use crying over spilt milk. The natives immediately began throwing brush over the plane to camouflage it from the air. Majors and I walked back to the native shack where Wilkinson had his temporary headquarters, and prepared to spend the night.

Majors took the crack-up very hard. It was the first time that he had crashed a plane, and a plane to him is like the first-born to the average newly-wed bride. He swore that if it was the last thing he ever did he would make up for it some way. Wilkinson managed to serve a very delightful dinner, and Majors sat through the meal marveling, saying he knew damn well that if he ever got back to the States and told of cracking up behind the Jap lines, no one was going to believe that the first night he had a five-course dinner with everything that can be purchased at the Waldorf-Astoria, including soup, fried chicken, mashed potatoes, peas, coffee and dessert. Majors’ shoes, while being in much better condition than mine, were not too good, and he had an additional pleasant surprise when Wilkinson furnished him with a pair of G.I. shoes that were exactly his size. He went into fits of laughter and marveled that though he had been out in this area for quite some time, and was making sufficient money to purchase anything that he wanted, he had been unable to purchase a pair of shoes like the ones Wilkinson had just given him, and he had tried in every city in India and China to purchase just such a pair. Later on in the evening he grew thoughtful, and after being quiet for some time, he said to me, “Colonel, how are we gonna get through the Jap lines?” I told him we weren’t, that we were going to go around them. “You know where they are then?” he asked. I said, “I do,” and he replied, “Thank God for that.”

We spent a comfortable night with Wilkinson. Of course there was no bedding, or beds. We kept our shoes on to keep the mosquitoes from biting our feet. I wrapped my head in a silk map that I carried, put one hand in my pocket, the other one in my shirt and under my arm, and I was not too badly eaten by mosquitoes. This, by the way, was how I slept each night on my way out. Majors managed to get his head wrapped in something after a while when the mosquitoes proved too bad. Wilkinson, of course, being an old hand in the jungle, was not bothered any more than I. The next morning, after a breakfast of fried eggs and coffee, with some dehydrated potato chips on the side; after having given final instructions to fix up the field, get the plane away from where it was lying, build a hanger for it on one side of the field, and prop it up on logs, so that we could ascertain the damage and repair it when we came back in [ultimately, the plane proved beyond repair]; and after a final check that everything was as it should be or as near as we could make it, we took to the heel and toes, and trekked 10 miles to Wilkinson’s headquarters at Ngumla.

Dave [Majors] stated shortly after we started our march that the farthest that he had walked in the past few years was up the stairs in a hotel, and he never walked if there was an elevator handy. He decided that he would wear his new shoes. I suggested that the mountain trail wasn’t a good place to break in new shoes, and after a while after we were on our way he decided I was right. By then he had a nice blister on his heel. I taped his feet for him the following morning, but for the balance of that day he was uncomfortable. The trip was a breeze for Wilkinson. I had not hit the trail in a couple of months, so the first 10 miles were not a breeze for me. They were damn near agony for Dave. On arriving at Wilkinson’s shack, Dave went to bed promptly. Wilkinson and I, along with Father MacAlindon [Wilkinson’s assistant], shot the breeze. We discussed local conditions and debated as to the probable plans of the Japanese in that area.

Lessons in Local Culture

I might tell you a bit about Father MacAlindon. I have two Catholic priests in the organization, Father MacAlindon and Father Stuart. When the Japanese forces pushed up into Northern Burma, both of these priests stayed in the hills. Father MacAlindon was the unofficial headman of the Triangle, and his headquarters were one day’s march from where we were sitting that afternoon. Father Stuart, on the other hand, had been in the vicinity of Sumprabum when the Japanese moved forward and occupied that portion of Burma. In order to tell you about Father MacAlindon, I will first have to tell you a bit about Father Stuart, and before I can tell you about Father Stuart, I will have to tell you a bit about the customs of the hills. Now this particular section of the hills did not bow to the rule of the British until approximately 1935, at which time the last of the Kings, or Headmen as we call them, agreed to give up human slavery, and pay taxes to the Crown. Of course, the fact that the tax collector came through with a body of soldiers might have had a bit to do with his decision to pay the taxes, I’m not quite sure about that. However, law and order did come to the hills in 1935.

Photo of recruits training.

American and Burmese recruits training for behind-the-lines service with Detachment 101.

 

However, prior to the time that the white man attempted to regulate the lives of the natives, a popular pastime in these particular hills was a blood feud. Some years before the Japanese invasion, a native policeman in the execution of his duties shot and killed a Kachin of another family. Families in the hills, by the way, often occupy large areas, and become almost tribes. Due to the British influence in the hills at the time this policeman shot the Kachin mentioned, no action was taken by his family. However, immediately that the Government, as it is usually referred to in the hills, was driven out by the Japanese, these old blood feuds broke out. In the case of the above-mentioned policeman, he had died leaving no son. His wife passed on her way. The closest relative was a cousin some eighth or ninth removed. Two of the relatives of the Kachin killed by the policeman visited the policeman’s eighth or ninth cousin, and went to work for him. One day while working in the rice paddy, one of the two asked the cousin of the policeman for his daw (a daw being the type of knife used by the natives in these hills). Upon receiving the daw, the cousin then being unarmed, the two Kachins jumped him and slashed his stomach open. The cousin, fighting back, succeeded in driving off his attackers and making his way to his hut, where Father Stuart was called to take care of him.

Now a bit about Father Stuart. When the British retreated in Northern Burma, Father Stuart decided to stay with his flock. The fact that he had been unable at that time to convert any of the Kachins to Catholicism had not in any way dampened his enthusiasm for his mission in life. After the British had left and he heard the Japs were advancing, he decided that perhaps a bold move on his part would be the best, so he walked down the highway until he met the advancing troops. Picking the most imposing figure upon the best horse, and rightly surmising that this was the leader of the Japanese troops, he walked up to him, took the bridle of the horse in his hand and stopped it, and demanded of the rider, “Are you Chinese?” The Japanese officer looked at him, and thoroughly disgusted, turned his head and spat over his shoulder, and said, “Are you English?” The Father, mimicking the Jap, looked at him in utter disgust, turned his head, spat over his shoulder, and said nothing. When the question was repeated, he denied being English, and stated that he was an Irishman, of which “begorra” he is, but from Northern Ireland. The Jap got off his horse, drew two half moons on the ground, and, pointing to one, he said, “this is England,” and to the other, “this is Ireland. Where is your home?” Father Stuart unhesitatingly placed his finger in the southernmost part of the half moon representing Ireland. The Major was not completely satisfied, and wanted to shoot the Father. However, there was a young lieutenant with the troop who was a Christian, the Father learned afterwards, and he spoke up in the Father’s behalf, and the Major withheld his decision at that time, although later on he did order the Father shot. The Lieutenant, however, sent warning to the Father, and prior to the time that he could be arrested, he escaped into the jungle.

But I’m getting ahead of my story, and I had better revert back again to the Kachin who had his stomach cut open. Prior to the time that the Father arrived to nurse him, someone poured a bottle of iodine into his intestines. His death was lingering, not very nice, although it was hurried a bit by his enemies, which again forces me to divert to the Kachin custom. Now, in a blood feud, when a member of one family has killed the member of another, it is the right of the victor’s family to sack the household of the loser, and so in due course of time, while Father Stuart was nursing the cousin of the policeman, the family of the two attackers arrived to claim their own from the granaries of the vanquished. There were some 30 of them, and discovering Father Stuart nursing their victim, and the supposed dead victim still alive, they proceeded to drive the Father into the jungles and finish off the victim. Father Stuart was some miles from the cabin when he ran into Father MacAlindon. Now in my opinion, Father MacAlindon would have chosen a much better profession had he chosen the profession of a pugilist instead of the priesthood. He surely loves a fight. On hearing Father Stuart’s story, he, being senior to Father Stuart, proceeded to admonish Father Stuart rather severely in the fact that he, a Catholic priest, would run from 30 armed natives, and, picking up a shotgun, he went to the cabin and drove the 30 natives into the hills.

A bit more about Father MacAlindon. When it was reported that the Japanese were marching upon the town which he had made his headquarters, he acquired some hand grenades that had been left back by the British, placed a shotgun in each window of his home, slept with an open box of hand grenades alongside his bed, and succeeded in keeping the natives closely enough united that no Japanese to this day has managed to reach the town of Kajitu, which was his headquarters. He was afterwards ordered out of the hills and back into the British lines by the British Government. Eventually, he and Father Stuart were sent into India, and it was here that I got my hands on them. After being indoctrinated to my perverted ideas of warfare, Father MacAlindon returned to the hills and has since been Major Wilkinson’s assistant, while Father Stuart stayed with me at my headquarters and became an instructor in the arts that I teach.

Now to continue. We are back again in the shack on the side of the mountain at Ngumla. Headmen from various parts of the surrounding country, learning that I arrived, came forward. Through Father MacAlindon, they told me how glad they were that the Americans were looking after them, and they were sure that if the Japanese ever came that they would be forced, as their brothers who had been over-run by the Japanese had been forced before, to give food and men, and instead of being paid for it, they would be abused. Sitting on the floor with my legs crossed the same as they, I had the feeling that I was in some other place, and surely during some other age than the present one, for the guns they carried were muzzle loaders, and it was so unreal that I find a hard time properly describing the scene in words. I tried to play my part, however, and assured them that regardless of what happened, they would find men of my organization throughout the hills who would advise and help them.

Later on in the afternoon, one headman who had been run out of his village by the Japanese, he having killed the men who were sent to arrest him, came into the hut. Wilkinson and Father MacAlindon said that his story had not been checked, but apparently he was all right. I questioned him and Father MacAlindon gave me a notebook that apparently had been taken off the body of the policeman that had been killed by this headman at the time of his supposed arrest. This notebook had been translated by one of my boys, and notes in it indicated that this headman was to be arrested for helping a party of Americans. The party was described and was very similar to the group that originally went in on the railway line. Questioning him, it did not take me long to determine that he had helped Barnard and his group and is mentioned in my report of June first as one of the headmen who was given a Burma Government Certificate of Award and 200 chips by Major Barnard.[3] He, of course, was immediately accepted as a full-fledged member, placed on our payroll, and at the present time is operating on our behalf.

Wilkinson had a group of recruits learning the first principles of instinctive firing, so, during the course of the afternoon, I gave a demonstration. Unthinkingly, I used a U.D.M. instead of a tommy gun.[4] The popularity of the U.D.M. immediately rose and everyone wanted a U.D.M. The problem was settled by making it a leader’s weapon. So now the rank and file have something else to work for.

 

Trials of the Trail

Father MacAlindon sent a runner to the next day’s stop, where there was a Chinese Major, requesting that I be loaned the Major’s mule for the trip out. He also sent word to nearby headmen for two horses. The following morning three horses arrived. Kit was packed on one of them, [with] food for 11 days’ march. Majors and I, riding the other two, started on our journey out. Wilkinson had a roll of film and took pictures which I have since developed, and I swear that I’m bigger than the horse. I’m quite sure that you’ll get quite a kick out of the pictures and wonder how anyone of my size ever got on a horse that small or, for that matter, where a horse that small ever came from. I assure you, however, that it was a large horse for the hills.

The trek between Ngumla and Kajitu was more or less uninteresting; however, I felt sorry for the horse and walked a greater part of the way. About half way, Majors, riding ahead of me, pulled his horse to the edge of the trail to get around a mud puddle. The bank gave way and the horse fell down the side of the mountain, throwing Majors and wrenching his leg. I made him walk for about a half mile so that the leg wouldn’t stiffen up on him. Arriving at Kajitu, we met the Chinese Major and borrowed his mule. He asked me how far I wanted to use it and I told him to the British outpost at Laawnga. He visualized his mule being gone for two or three weeks, and I could see that he didn’t like it; however, he was sufficiently in debt to Wilkinson so that he could not very well refuse me the mule.

Two Kachin guerrillas supporting Detachment 101 in Burma.

Two Kachin guerrillas supporting Detachment 101
in Burma.

 

We continued, and just before dark, made camp about four miles north of Kajitu. It was on the side of a mountain near a native village. The bamboo shack in which we decided to spend the night had been built some years earlier by the Burma Public Works Department. I’m quite sure no one had stayed in it for quite some time. I stepped on the porch. The mountain fell away at a steep angle and it was a beautiful view. One could see the Mali Hka some miles away. The spot of the Mali Hka that could be seen from the porch was known to be occupied by Japanese troops. I leaned against the railing, and as I did so, heard a crack. I attempted to jump back but it was too late. The porch gave way beneath my weight and a few minutes later, I picked myself up from some thorn bushes on the side of the mountain. I was a bloody sight as I climbed back up to the cabin, though I wasn’t hurt at all. My face was cut sufficiently so that it was bleeding quite profusely and both my hands were also cut. Majors was laughing like a fool and told me that he was now even with me for laughing at him when he had fallen off the trail that morning.

After washing the blood off my face and hands, we went into the shack and lay down for a bit of rest. Majors stated that he was feeling a bit sick, and in the next few hours, he was down with quite a heavy fever and I was afraid he had malaria. Sometime during the night, I was awakened from a sound sleep with the cry, “Eifler, there is somebody in the room, I’ve got him covered.” I reached for my flashlight and also my gun, then realized how careless a man can become in this racket, for I had gone to sleep with my gun hanging on the wall and it was some feet from me. Neither could I find my flashlight; however, after a few moments, I located some matches and upon lighting a match, found both doors closed and no one in the room but Majors and I. He was sitting in the middle of the floor with a carbine clutched in his hands. I located my flashlight and went over and felt his head. It was quite hot and I naturally thought he had been having a delirious dream. He sensed my thoughts and angrily proclaimed that he had not been asleep and it was not his fever, but someone had come up on the porch and started to push the door open. As they did so, he had grabbed the rifle and hollered for me. Undoubtedly, whoever it was had jumped off the porch and run, but Majors was sure someone had tried to get in. Seeing that I was still skeptical, he said, “Well, Colonel, somebody might have been trying to collect the price on your head.” Though I admitted that that was possible, I still doubted it.

He was unable to sleep, he stated, because the mule that was tied at the corner of the building had been pounding the ground with his hoofs all night long. I went out, untied the mule from where it was tied, moved it about twenty yards, and retied it. While I was doing this, our guide came out. We were unable to speak to each other, but though sign language he indicated to me that the mule would break away unless it was properly tied. I assured him in same language that the mule was tied tightly; nevertheless, he checked my knots after I left. Regardless of this, the next morning the mule was gone. The guide and I held a conversation in our medium of sign language again and he informed me that the mule had pulled loose during the night. I couldn’t see it, but surely the mule was gone. I instructed him to send a boy to Kajitu to return the mule.

Majors still had a fever, and stayed in bed, or what might be termed bed. At least he lay on the floor. There was nothing that I could do for him. I spent my time wandering about the place, practicing knife throwing, attempting to teach my Kachin guide to say “American airplane” and recognize the American, British, and Jap insignias on the planes. Numerous planes were passing overhead, but they were all ours. Around 10 o’clock in the morning I got tired of waiting, and taking Majors’ horse, I started out for Kajitu. I hadn’t traveled very far when my Kachin guide overtook me. Again we held our peculiar conversation, and it ended up by him saying that he would go [instead]. As I felt sorry for the horse, I let him go, although at the time that I did, I knew it was a mistake. Around 12:30 he returned along with the lad that he had sent to Kajitu early in the morning, along with a quart of Kachin beer in a bamboo container, but no mule. After some minutes, I determined that the Chinese Major had sent someone to the camp during the night [and] had stolen the mule. In order to get it again, another “chit” (a note) would have to be sent to the Chinese Major. In disgust, I hoisted Dave up on our remaining horse and took to the trail. I began wondering whether, after all, Dave wasn’t right, and someone had tried to break in the night before. I was certain now that we had had a visitor, and I determined that when I got to the next radio, Wilkinson would be given orders to wipe that Chinese Major off his cooperation list.

About three p.m. we came to a large stream. We rested here for about half an hour, and then the natives ferried us across on a bamboo raft. One of the natives swam across with the horse. Picking up the journey from there, I continued walking, and by 5 p.m. had covered 14 miles of the journey. Dave stated that he was feeling better, and as I was tired, I rode the horse while Dave walked. An hour and twenty minutes later, Dave was making good time. The trail was sloping downward slightly. He hit a patch of wet earth, slipped, and re-hurt his leg, so I hoisted him back up on the horse and struck out. We reached our destination a little after 7 p.m. We had covered slightly better than 20 miles. We were staying the night in a Headman’s house. It would be impossible for me to really describe a headman’s house, but I’ll try.

 

Hill Tribe Hospitality

To begin with, [headmen’s houses are] about 75 feet long by 30 feet wide. They are built off the ground and stand anywhere from 5 to 15 feet off the ground, according to the contour of the terrain under them. They are divided into different compartments, each compartment being a complete house of its own. The Kachins are great spirit worshippers. In the old days, humans were sacrificed, I understand, but now buffalo, chickens, pigs, and other animals are used for sacrifices. The head of a sacrificed buffalo is kept inside the house as a permanent reminder to the spirits. This headman was evidently a wealthy headman, and his house was covered with buffalo heads. The walls were covered with spears, bow guns, with the traditional muzzleloader in a prominent spot. The floor was of bamboo. The walls at the side are but about four feet high. The roof in the center perhaps 20 feet, sloping with long overhanging eaves, so that from the outside, the house appears to have no walls at all. From the inside, the roof forms the walls more than the walls themselves. Fire is built directly on the floor of the hut. By building a box out of bamboo approximately four feet by four feet and six inches high, and filling this box with dirt, the fire then is built on the dirt, smoke sifting up through the ceiling, which is of course of thatch.

At one end of this headman’s house there was a separate little compartment, which was assigned to us. There was rather a large doorway in it, about 10 feet wide, which I could look through to the main interior of the house. Shortly after arriving, about 15 of the elders of the village came in and sat down on the floor facing me. No one said a word. Within a few minutes dinner was served, and it was a lovely dinner, fried chicken, fried eggs, potatoes, some type of a turnover with meat inside, (I have not to this day determined what it was, but it surely was good), a cross between a pancake and a tortilla which served as bread, a couple jungle vegetables, and hot coffee. While I was eating, a Kachin brought in approximately two quarts of Kachin beer, which was given to me as a present. I handed one of the quarts back to the Kachin, and indicated that they were to drink. They made quite a ceremony out of drinking. Cups of course were made of bamboo, and each man drank individually, each pouring a few drops of his drink on the ground alongside the fire prior to drinking. When it came my turn to drink, I also poured a bit on the ground before drinking. This evidently pleased them. I then indicated to my guide to divide some opium among my guests.[5] The opium having been divided, I broke some chocolate “D” rations into squares, and passed them out to the kiddies, who, like kiddies throughout the world, were hanging back in the nooks and corners, and gaping at us with great round eyes. I then called one of the kiddies to me and gave him the tinfoil which the chocolate was wrapped in. I had a good deal of pleasure the rest of the evening watching the awe with which this child contemplated tin foil, and the loving care that he took of it.

About an hour after the opium had been distributed, one by one the old gentlemen got up and silently excused themselves. Finally only Dave and I and a couple of kids were left in the room, so I lay down on the floor, made a pillow out of my knapsack, and prepared to get some rest. The position in which I was lying allowed me to look into the main room, and directly in line with my gaze the old elders who had left my room were gathering about a fire and cooking the opium that I had given them. I finally fell asleep with the smell of opium in my nostrils. I was awakened during the night by a baby crying, and I thought to myself how much alike we all were, for there in the dark I might have been any place in the world. I could not tell the difference between that little savage’s cry and the cry of any baby that I heard in any other part of the world. The smoke from the fires drifted through the thatched roof so that it was not at all uncomfortable in the room. Still in all, sufficient smoke stayed in the air of the room so that mosquitoes evidently found it quite unhealthy, and at least we were not at all bothered by mosquitoes that night.

Celebrating Eifler’s promotion to colonel in the field.

Celebrating Eifler’s promotion to colonel in the field.

 

I awakened in the morning to find three kids and one man sitting in my room watching me. No sooner was I awake that they brought me water to wash, and a cup of hot coffee. I had three fried eggs for breakfast.

As we prepared for the day’s march, my head felt a bit sore from some hard object in my musette bag. Repacking the bag, I checked to see what it was, and found that the object which had annoyed me during the night was nothing less than some blasting caps. As we started out Dave said, “Damn, that was a wonderful sleep.” During the day we arrived at a village that was having a sacrifice to the spirits. As we approached the outskirts of the village, bamboo poles with cups tied to the top of them filled with fresh blood greeted us. Blood was splashed along the trail. As we neared a hut in the center of the village we heard singing and wailing. I was unable to determine what the sacrifice was being held for, but I believe someone had died. In the center of the village was a fresh goat’s head, which indicated that the person for whom the sacrifice was being held was not of too great importance.

 

Reckoning with the Rivers

We only walked ten miles that day. I rode one hour and Dave rode the rest of the way. We made camp alongside a large stream, and shortly after making camp I gathered some of the natives, went to the stream, and dynamited it for fresh fish. I indicated by sign language what I intended to do, and of course it was my idea that the natives were to gather the fish, but within a few minutes after the fish started coming to the surface, I became just as excited as the rest of them, and pulling off my clothes, I was soon diving and swimming for the fish in the midst of a dozen natives. The water felt damn good, and when we were finished fishing I continued swimming and then washed my clothes. Dave did likewise. That day was the shortest hike that we made on the trip. I gave all of the fish to the natives with the exception of one, which weighed about six pounds. This I cleaned and wrapped in banana leaves, and then packed it in mud. I then made a large bonfire and put the mudpack in it. The natives cut up their fish and added a bit of pepper to it, pressed it in a hollow bamboo tube, blocking the open end with a wad of banana tree leaves. They set this in an angle against a small fire, and in little better than an hour they had fish curry, and Dave and I had fresh-baked fish.

The following day we left at 6 a.m., and approximately noon reached a town where some Levies were stationed. We had heard of a young American aviator who was badly burnt in a crash being at this
village, so we looked him up. An American doctor (a Lieutenant in the Medical Corps) and a Major in the Air Corps were in attendance. They were glad to see us, as any strange face is of coursea welcome sight. We went in and talked to the Sergeant. The Lieutenant said that he was in bad shape, but that they would be able to take him out in another week or two. I promised to send messages to their families for them, as they had been out of touch for some time, and they were worried. These were the messages that I sent to you, Carl, and asked you to forward on. One was returned as not being any such address. Although I have attempted to make contact with the Lieutenant since, I have not been able to do so, so [I] do not know where the mistake was made. The British Captain of the Kachin Levies gave us a drink of V.O. [brandy], and damn was it good.

River crossings presented constant challenges.

River crossings presented constant challenges.

 

We managed to get another horse from the headman, and set off at 2 p.m., singing along the trail. It felt mighty good to be riding again after all the walking we had done. The trail was approximately level for 19 miles. Along in the afternoon we came to a bamboo bridge that did not look too good. Dave got his horse across all right by leading it. Mine balked and did not want to cross. However, by soothing and petting, and coaxing and pulling, I finally managed to get the horse on the bridge. I was just off the bridge when the bridge broke. The horse gave a leap, made the bank okay, but damn near knocked me down as it sailed past. We made camp about nine miles farther on in an old Government bungalow. During the night a storm broke, and the bungalow leaked badly. We rigged up our shelter halves over the spot in the floor where we were lying, and spent a very uncomfortable night. In the morning I sat on the porch and looked out across the hill to the hill on the opposite side of the Malihka. On top of this hill was the town of Sumprabum and the stronghold of the Japanese in the vicinity. Dave wanted to know what would prevent the Japanese from crossing the Malihka and coming up to where we were, or to have crossed the Malihka and be forward on the trail that we would take that day. I told him not a damn thing, but that I thought we had the country well enough organized that if the Japanese did this we would be notified, and would merely make a wider arc in getting around them.

At 12:30 that day we came to another large stream, which I again blew with a pound of Composition “C.” We got six large fish averaging about six pounds each, and a number of small ones. I gave all the fish to the natives with the exception of one, and when we arrived in camp that night I fried him in butter. The British Captain had given us a can of butter when we stopped at his camp the day before. I believe that was just about the best fish I have ever eaten in my life. The natives in this particular village were
re-thatching one of the bungalows with palm leaves. The principle of thatching is practically the same as shingling. There was a tree of “star-fruit” to one side of the cabin. This is the first time that I have seen “star-fruit” since I left the South Seas. I didn’t know that there were any in this part of the country. While sitting on the porch I noticed a medium-sized chicken picking on a smaller chicken, and the smaller chicken went streaking to its mother, who in turn chastised the first chicken. No sooner had the hen left than the medium-sized chicken repaid with interest to the smaller chicken everything that the hen had given her, and I smiled to myself how alike everything is the world over. That night I again went to sleep with the cries of a baby in my ears.

We were twenty-three miles from the British outpost of Laawnga. That normally was three stages, or three days march, but I decided to do it in one. It was the roughest of all the trails that we had traveled so far. It started to rain during the morning, and in addition to the trail being rough, it became slippery. For the past two days the trail had been too steep for me to do much riding, so most of the time I was walking and leading my horse. Along about noon, we arrived at the Malihka. The banks of the river were steep and muddy. The Kachins in attempting to get my horse on the ferry succeeded in having the horse fall, so that its hind legs were dangling in the river, and its front legs were hanging on the ferry, with the rought [sic] bamboo ends of the ferry cutting the horse’s belly. I hollered instructions, but it didn’t do any good. I wish, Carl, you could have been there, for it must have been funny as hell to anyone not interested in the welfare of that horse. Finally, unable to do anything else, I plunged down the side of the bank, my feet sinking between 2 and 2½ feet in the mud. My shoes stayed in the mud, and I eventually got on the ferry barefooted. I thought to myself, “Oh hell, I might as well be barefooted as to have what’s left of the shoes anyway.” We finally managed to get the front legs of the horse off the ferry and into the stream, pushing the ferry out into the stream and swimming the horse downstream to where the bank was more firm. There the horse was taken out of the river. We then built a gangway by taking a couple doors off some of the natives’ huts and laying them on top of bamboo poles, and in this manner, we eventually got the horse on the ferry and across the river.

We were then seven miles from the British outpost at Laawnga. The river had been in flood, and for approximately one mile we had to wind our way through bamboo and cane brakes that had recently been under water. The bamboo snatched at my hat and though I saved it a number of times, the bamboo eventually won, and knocked my hat from my head. I was riding at the time so I had to dismount to recover my hat. Shortly thereafter, the improvised trail which we were following wound to the edge of the river bank. I did not like the looks of the spot, but put the horse to it. He made it all right with his front hoofs, but as he placed his back hoofs on the edge of the trail the bank gave way. I turned a forward somersault off the horse’s head with the reins in my hand, and managed to land with my feet braced, and again my horse was hanging with his forefeet supported, but this time instead of his hind feet being in the water they were pawing the air. With a little help, however, he managed to get his feet in the bank, and a few moments later I had him back on the trail. I walked the balance of the way through the canes. Our next obstacle was when we came to a spot where the trail crossed a stream. The bridge was out, and the flood had washed the mud belly deep in the stream bed. But by coaxing and pulling and floundering, we finally got the horses through, and there in the little clearing before us were some decorations which when I first looked at them definitely appeared to be the type of decorations put up by the Japanese on some of their holidays. My hand flew to my gun, and I could hear Dave throwing a shell into the magazine of the carbine. We rode on forward and both of us were expecting a shot at any moment, but as we approached I saw that they were not Japanese but Kachin. However, it was a tense moment and a bit of a thrill.

 

End In Signt

Photo of Eifler in 1997.

Eifler in 1997, honored at the dedication of a
sports plaza at Fort Huachuca, Arizona.

Just before dark that night we arrived at the British outpost at Laawnga, and spent the night with the Post Commander, Colonel Ford. This post has the only British troops in the Northern part of that section of Burma. The next morning Colonel Ford furnished us with a jeep to finish the last 54 miles of our journey, and about 3 o’clock in the afternoon we returned to Major Aitken’s headquarters at Fort Hertz. It was quite a trip. We had seven people in the jeep. We had half a dozen streams to ford, and three ferries. Some of the streams were shallow enough, and in one instance the fan was cutting the water, and I held my breath waiting for the motor to die in midstream. However, the jeep made it okay. Just before we reached Hertz we passed an elephant convoy. It was the first time Dave had ever seen an elephant outside of a circus. One of the elephants was badly frightened by the jeep, and just as we got opposite it, it raised its trunk and trumpeted. I laughed like hell. To this day I don’t know who was the most scared, Dave or the elephant.

We had wired for a plane to come in and get us, but the weather was bad on the 12th and no plane came in. On the afternoon of the 13th a plane got in to us. The pilot told us that he had tried to come in that morning, but had been chased by some [Japanese] “Zeros.” They had heard that the Japs were playing “Merry” in that district. On the way back we kept our eyes open, and about half way across the hump [Himalayas] I saw a plane overtaking us fast. It was too far away to determine whether it was a Jap or an American ship, but we went into the clouds, and when we came out he was nowhere to be seen. On arriving back in India we learned that the Japs had shot down four transports that day.

And so ends the story of the ill-fated flight of “O.S.S. Plane #1.”

/s/ Carl F. Eifler

Colonel, Infantry

 

Editor’s note: When Col. Eifler returned from his trek, he immediately went to see the commander of the China-Burma-India theater, General Joseph Stilwell, without cleaning himself up. Apparently, the conversation went something like this:

Gen. Stilwell: “Have you eaten?”

Col. Eifler: “I’ve just walked out from behind the lines in Burma.”

Gen. Stilwell: “You look it.”[6]

 

[1] William R. Peers and Dean Brelis, Behind the Burma Road: The Story of America’s Most Successful Guerrilla Force (Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1963), pp. 217-220.

[2] National Archives and Records Administration, Record Group 226 (Office of Strategic Services), Entry 99, Box 78, Folder 1.

[3] Barnard was an Anglo-Burmese officer who took part in Detachment 101’s first operation in Burma, in which several teams of saboteurs parachuted behind the lines and conducted operations against Japanese-held railroads.

[4] The UDM was a 9 mm submachine gun made exclusively for the OSS, whereas the Thompson .45 caliber submachine gun was more widely available.

[5] Opium was carried by the OSS in Burma as a form of payment for the natives or Chinese that worked with them since paper money was not accepted by any of the Kachins.

[6] Richard Dunlop, Behind Japanese Lines: With the OSS in Burma (New York: Rand McNally & Co., 1979), p. 230.

 

 

 

Troy J. Sacquety is a graduate student at Texas A&M University.

 

https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/csi-studies/studies/fall_winter_2001/article07.html

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Tuesday 7 september 2010 2 07 /09 /Sep /2010 09:00

Tracing the Green Line - A journey to Burma's jade mines

Tracing the Green Line: A Journey to Burma’s Jade Mines

by Richard W. Hughes, Olivier Galibert, Mark Smith & Dr. Thet Oo

It is morning in Hweka, deep in northern Burma's Kachin State. Outside the window, the roar of the river below awakens us from our slumber, nudging us groggily into yet another day. Already it has been four long days since leaving Mandalay; when we will reach our destination is still uncertain. Nevertheless, we are unfazed, our spirits are high. Because we are convinced. Today is the day. Today is the day!

The road to Jade Land

Perhaps it is better to start at the beginning. We had come to these jungles to follow the green line to its source, in search of jade – what the Chinese call the "stone of heaven." Up until 200 years ago, jade meant nephrite, a tough, white to spinach-green stone that was the ideal canvas for China's stone carvers. Then, in northern Burma, a new type was found – jadeite. Unlike nephrite, jadeite occurred in emerald-green shades. The people of the Middle Kingdom were smitten, head over heels in love with something that came only from one remote locality in Upper Burma. It was the search for the source of this green stone that had brought us to Burma. Little did we know the trials and travails this quest would entail. This is our story, our quest for green.

Ask and ye shall receive

For over thirty years, foreigners had petitioned the Burmese government to visit the jade mines. Due to the war which had raged between the central government and successionist rebels, the answer always came back no. But times had changed. The country was now called Myanmar. And the central government had recently made peace with the rebels. So, hat in hand, we went and asked again. And we received. They said we could go.

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Figure 1  Traveling in Burma's restricted areas inevitably means dealing with the military, who look upon all foreigners, but particularly the press, as something to be scrutinized. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

Don't ask, don't tell

In Myanmar, it is considered bad form to inquire about arrival times, and there are good reasons for this. The country's transportation network is, in a word, bad, operating just slightly above the stall speed of a bicycle. Couple this with some of the most rugged terrain this side of worse-to-forget-it and you get the picture. Locals understand, realizing that any answer will likely be wrong. Hence the local policy is one of pragmatism – akin to gays in the US military: don't ask, don't tell. But ask we did. And so we were told: we would leave to Hpakan on April 21. This was our first mistake, but would not be the last.

On April 19, we called Yangon, just to confirm the arrangements. And we were told: "Sorry, try again on April 28." A week later, we again called Yangon. And we were told: "Sorry, try again on June 5." So we called again on June 3. And we were told: "Sorry, the rainy season has now begun, try again later," as in November later.

Enter Stillwell's son

We had all spent enough time in Asia to realize that, while patience might be a virtue, a bit of the "I-won't-take-no-for-an-answer" impatience can also work wonders. Thus we paid a visit to Myanmar anyway, to see just how soon later could be.

"Vinegar" Joe Stillwell

Passing through the jungles of northern Burma, it is hard enough to imagine walking, let alone fighting, but human conflict has boiled in these steaming lands for close to half a century. When the Japanese invaded Burma in 1942, the British and their confederates were left to flee to India. One man who went with them was General Joseph "Vinegar Joe" Stillwell. Over 50 years' old at the time, Stillwell would leave men decades younger in the dust as he marched.

"Vinegar Joe" Stillwell was one of the finest fighting men the United States has ever produced. America's military attaché to China in the pre-war years, he was called out of retirement when the US went to war with Japan. During that conflict, he took Chiang Kai-shek's rag-tag nationalist Chinese Kuomintang (KMT) army and turned it into a first-class fighting force, routing so-called "invincible" Japanese troops all across northern Burma. But his main claim to fame was overseeing the construction of a road from Ledo, in eastern India, across to Bhamo, and then to China. The 1200km route from Ledo to Wanting, in China, cut through some of the most inhospitable jungle on the planet, spanning 10 major rivers and 155 secondary streams. So many were lost in its construction that it became known as the "mile -a-man" road. Today, due to destruction of the major bridges, only a bare track remains. But the name of its creator lives on. The trace, which passes within miles of the Mogaung-Hpakan road, is known as the "Stillwell Road."

A meeting was arranged, where we pressed our case. The official's concerns were real enough – this area was extremely rugged, tough enough in the dry season, let alone the wet. But we told them: "We are tough. Locals can go, so can we." Then, we brought out our trump card. Richard Hughes asked if they remembered the American World War II general, "Vinegar Joe" Stillwell (see box). Of course, came the reply. "Well," Hughes dryly intoned, "I am Stillwell's son."

When the guffaws had subsided, they agreed to give it their best shot. If it was in their power to arrange it, they would do it. As it turned out, it was not. Final approval eventually had to come from the Number 2 man in Myanmar's ruling SLORC junta. But in a week's time, we were on our way to Hpakan, center of Burma's Jade Land.

June 2

By rail from Mandalay

We begin our journey in Mandalay, a hot, dusty urban sprawl which locals say is fueled by the "three lines" – the white line (heroin), the red line (ruby) and the green line (jade). The group which assembles in Mandalay is a disparate one, consisting of a French dealer, Olivier Galibert, an American ruby and sapphire expert, Richard Hughes, a Bangkok trader, Mark Smith, and a Mogok dealer, Dr. Thet Oo. All are gemologists and all are old Asia hands, with much experience in Burma. Our guide is a Burmese army captain, a military engineer who has spent much of his career chasing rebels across the Shan hills.

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Figure 2  Sketch map of Upper Burma, showing the authors' route to the jade mines at Hpakan. (Map: R.W. Hughes)

We board the Mandalay-Myitkyina train shortly after noon. Our first destination is to be Mogaung, the largest city near the jade mines and itself a famous cutting and trading center. From here we will proceed to Hpakan. The scheduled time to Mogaung is 20 hours, but the journey may take up to 40, due to the deplorable condition of the tracks. In 1993, the government signed a truce with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), but three years of peace have done little to wipe out thirty years of neglect. When the locomotive reaches speed, the train screeches wildly as it strains against the sides of the rails. At high speeds, our carriage rocks violently back and forth, reminding us that derailment is a very real possibility. In early 1995, at the railway bridge near Mohnyin, just such a derailment killed over 100 passengers. Thus we were not entirely unhappy with our speed.

Mosquito watch

Another aspect of the rail journey is the mice and other vermin, which scurry to and fro in the carriage. But we had little fear of them nibbling on our shoes. A pest which did scare us was far smaller – the night-biting female Anopheles mosquito – which carries deadly strains of malaria.

It was once believed this scourge could be entirely wiped out, à la smallpox, but the malaria parasite has proved a far more formidable foe. Today, the parasite has developed resistance to virtually all prophylactics. Thus the best protection is simply to avoid being bitten. Rather than quinine, chloroquine or Fansidar, we armed ourselves with insect repellent, and applied copious quantities every night of our journey.

Malaria is not to be taken lightly. The cerebral form strikes quickly and, if not treated properly, can kill as soon as 48 hours after onset of symptoms. Witness the two western reporters who ventured into rebel Burma during the late '70's. Both came down with fever upon their return to Bangkok. One immediately fled to Hong Kong, thinking the medical care in the British colony would be better. Doctors there diagnosed him as having hepatitis and 48 hours later he was dead.

Miniskirts on motorbikes

Time on the train is whiled away with the exchange of stories. Dr. Thet Oo regales us with tales he has heard of Hpakan, or "Little Hong Kong" – so-named by locals because, whatever the object of your desire, you can find it there. Among the products said to be on offer there are Hennessy cognac, Rolex watches, Nike running shoes, opium, heroin, and, as Thet Oo leaned forward and conspiratorially whispered: "miniskirted girls riding motorbikes." That sure primed the pump.

The train is a' coming

At 11:00 p.m., we stop in Kawlin, a bustling market town, some eight hours and 40% of the way to Mogaung. It is 11:00 p.m., but still hot and humid. Along the platform, vendors, town criers and assorted other seers and seekers of coin shriek out the nature of their produce. The scene is a cacophony of sound and activity, as people hustle and bustle for business. Young, flower bedecked children run up and down beside the train searching for that special someone who will lighten their load. Even at such as late hour, so many are stirring – the arrival of the train provides one of the day's major events.

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Figure 3  Little Hong Kong
The shops of Hpakan are well stocked. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

Into the night

Kawlin is but a brief respite from the monotonous pounding of the rails as we continue north into the unknown. The train moves slowly through impenetrable forest, where the dense foliage literally slaps up against one's skin. This area contains some of Southeast Asia's last remaining virgin forests, but signs of logging are everywhere. The night's full moon illuminates small towns, where shadows of hundreds upon hundreds of logs lie stacked alongside the tracks.

Occasionally, for no apparent reason, the train stops dead in its tracks, only to creep forward again after a pause of thirty minutes or so. With the onset of the monsoon, which had begun several weeks before, everything is green and the moon casts ghostlike shadows on trees stretching hundreds of feet into the sky. Wheels scream in agony as we pass through a series of low hills, with the river in the valley below. Occasionally the train nudges in and out of fog, the surrounding hills shrouded in mist. Everywhere there is jungle, green, jungle, green, ubiquitous. Humans gnaw and nibble at the forest's edges, but it continually creeps back, as relentless as the rains which give it sustenance. The train is like an intruder, its clickity clack a foreign language, tapping its message of approaching humanity like a morse code. But if one listens closely, native tongues are heard – the buzz of cicadas, a bird's caw and the trickle of rushing water, occasionally punctuated by the howl of a wild animal from the nearby forest.

June 3

Hopin' for Hpakan

About 10:00a.m., the train stops in the small town of Hopin, some three hours before Mogaung. Here we learn that there are two roads to Hpakan. The flatter of the two leaves from Mogaung and goes via Kamaing, while the other starts at Hopin, and heads to Hpakan, through the mountains. One of the train's passengers points to some nearby trucks and declares: "There. They go Hpakan." After nearly 20 hours on the train, no further encouragement is needed. We scramble off, determined to head directly to Hpakan from Hopin.

Transport is quickly arranged, consisting of a four-wheel drive pickup, modified with three rows of seats in the bed. The cost, for what we are told is a seven-hour trip, is, frankly, astonishing – 35,000 kyat ($270 at the then exchange rate of 130 kyat to the dollar). Although we later found this to be double the local price (a 'skin tax,' as the Captain called it), we soon learned that, like the boom towns of the old American West, the quest for green brings out that most fundamental of human characteristics – pure naked greed.

Seven hours to Hpakan…

A brief meal, the purchase of some supplies, and then we set off for Hpakan. The dirt road heads straight for the hills, but after hearing so many horror stories about monsoon travel in this area, we are pleasantly surprised at its benign condition. Visions of cold beer in the evening, served up in imperial jade goblets by miniskirted damsels on motorbikes dance in our heads.

The first 12km are flat; then the road ascends, twisting through the jungle up to a small military post, some 16km from Hopin. Wreathed in several layers of sharpened bamboo and punji sticks, just one year before this base had been a lonely outpost of the Burmese army in their battle with Kachin rebels.

From the pass, the road plunges down onto the broad, flat plane that surrounds Burma's largest fresh-water body, Lake Indawgyi. In the nearby rice paddies, beautiful pink cranes are seen feeding. After two hours, we reach the small town of Nyaungbin, perched at the northern end of the lake, and halt for a brief break.

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Figure 4  At Nyaungbin, a motorcyclist is seen removing chains. He told the authors it took him ten hours to ride from Hpakan, and he only fell five times. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

Nyaungbin

At Nyaungbin, we get a glimpse of the shape of things to come. The small, L-shaped town is basically a staging point, where vehicles gear up for the push into Hpakan. Our driver begins to strap on chains. "Hmm," we think, "this is starting to get interesting." Next to our truck, another vehicle is removing chains. What makes it all the more notable is that it is a motorcycle. The mud-spattered rider tells us it had taken ten hours to come down from Hpakan and he had only fallen five times. Yes, this was looking interesting, indeed.

All aboard

After a short break, we are all aboard for Hpakan. Immediately, the road changes, becoming far more rugged and muddy, while the forest creeps ever closer. This is obviously the road less traveled; whether we will be better for the experience is yet to be determined.

Due to the difficult nature of the track, we are now traveling in convoy, the lead truck with a stencilled "Bradley" on the side. As Bradley races ahead, splashing through mud, it is all we can do to keep up. Caution is quickly jettisoned as Bradley speeds over hill, dale and other obstacles. Our stomachs sicken when, at one point, he tilts onto two wheels, but, incredibly, does not tip over. Later, we learn that not everyone is so lucky. The previous day, a truck overturned near here, killing its driver.

As we crest yet another hill, a giant mud hole awaits, with a stuck truck right in our path. It is here that we see our first elephants, a ubiquitous sight in the days ahead. All along the road, the giant beasts are used to tug stranded vehicles from the mud, at a cost of 1,500 kyat ($12) per pull. But we do not yet need them, as our driver is able to squeeze by.

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Figure 5  Andy Kaufman's paradise
Elephants shriek and strain to pull a stranded truck from the mire of the Hopin-Hpakan road. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

Welcome to mudtropolis

The bottom of the next hill reveals the mother of all mud holes. Here, a ten-wheeled truck lies like a beached whale, submerged up to its windows in the slimy goo. While elephants make ready to free the vehicle, three vendors sit on the sidelines selling refreshments. The implication is clear – "You're gonna be here a while." And we will be. Andy Kaufman would have loved it.

First up is a single elephant, whose chain is strapped around the truck's bumper. When everything is secure, the signal is given. The rider gives the elephant a sharp whack on the head with his machete and all pandemonium breaks out. Trumpeting roars rock the forest's stillness as the great pachyderm strains to tug the truck free. Again and again it pulls, yanking, yanking, while the truck's engine shrieks and moans. Black clouds of diesel cloak the participants as both engine and elephant whine in agony. But all to no avail; the truck has sunk deeper still.

A second elephant is now brought to the fore, and chained to the stranded vehicle beside the first. Again, machetes flash and the jungle seethes with the sounds of the straining beasts. Again, the truck rocks and whines, but refuses to budge.

Refusing to admit defeat, Bradley decides to grasp the nettle directly. Gunning his engine, he makes a desperate dive into the hole, trying to pass alongside the truck. But it is not to be. Now two vehicles are hopelessly mired in the muck. As the sun slowly sets on this forlorn corner of the globe, its fading light carries with it our hopes. And in its place, a grim realization descends – no Hpakan tonight, no miniskirts on motorbikes, no cold beer, no little Hong Kong. We now understand – we are gonna be here a while.

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Figure 6  Ah hell, I'll walk
The rainy-season road to Jade Land is not an easy one; in many cases, it's easier to walk. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

Unhappy campers

Regrouping, we discuss the possibilities. The thought of camping beside this malarial watering hole does not make any of us happy. But as the line of vehicles on either side lengthens, an idea is conjured. Why not trade vehicles? Those on the other side of the hole can take our car and we take theirs. Thirty minutes of negotiation later, a deal is struck. We are on the road again. Our new driver is nicknamed "Rambo."

If only things were so simple. But they are not. Around the next bend, it is more of the same, mud hole after mud hole, each of which presents manifold hazards. As twilight descends, we pass small villages, each laying out the welcome mat, in the form of Tiger Beer, Heiniken, Coca Cola, Pepsi, etc., for sale. We pass one house with a small white cross above the door; many Kachins are Christian – it is clear, we are now deep in the heart of Kachin land. We also pass a church, but too late – it's Monday. Still we press on.

Hogging the road

Huge trees dot the landscape as our truck variously slithers and blasts through countless mud holes. At one, where several vehicles are stranded, someone suggests we open a Pizza Hut. Now we are told we are approximately 15 miles from Hpakan, with just two or three elephant spots left to pass.

It's 6:15 p.m. and nearly dark, but we continue to push ahead. Cresting a hill, we come across a truck with a broken tie rod. No problem – except for the large pig wallowing in the mud beside it, blocking our path. Shouting and screaming produce only angry glares from the pig, which refuses to move. This is a tired statement, but one we must make – the pig is obviously in hog heaven.

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Figure 7  Many Kachins are nominally Christian, but this religion is just a thin veneer on top of the traditional animist beliefs. Here is a church at Nam Lam. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

Inching along

By this point, anything under two-feet deep is a baby mud hole and hardly merits mention. But there is a problem ahead, a stuck jeep and people digging. The jeep is seriously high-centered, and no amount of our tugging and pulling can free it. So our driver decides to slip by on the edge, only to become helplessly high-centered himself. Additional vehicles halt behind us, as darkness and mosquitoes descend on the jungle.

A shovel is produced and we dig in the mire, but to no avail. Finally, a rope is procured. More than twenty of us pull and shout at the jeep, willing it to move, to give up its muddy tomb. With agonizing slowness, it begins to slide forward, inches turning into feet, as we strain against the rope, up to our knees in mud. Eventually, with one final tug, the jeep is freed, amidst cheering and shouting.

Holiday in hell

Now we have only to free our truck, but this proves impossible. So, once again, we rats desert our sinking ship and switch vehicles, this time to a truck loaded 15-feet high with an odd assortment of gear and people. Although Rambo tells us he will bring our gear up later, the wise amongst us grab our packs and bags. Seeing the truck's unsteady nature, Hughes and Smith decide that being in a position to leap off this tottering ship of fools when it runs aground beats any view of the stars from above. Thus they alight on the truck's rear bumper, where a slender space has been cleared, just enough for their feet. Again, we are on the road to Hpakan.

The truck careens wildly through the slop. Every fifty meters or so, we encounter impassible mud holes. But with a full head of steam, we slam through, only to repeat the process again and again. At times, it is all we can do to hang on, the grip made all the more treacherous due to our back packs and the fact that we cannot see the road ahead. In places, the bouncing is so great Hughes' and Smith's feet leave the bumper entirely, leaping over a foot in the air, only to come crashing back down on the bumper. During one particularly nasty portion, a Burmese man riding next to Hughes' and Smith turns and asks in perfect English: "Are you here on holiday?" We mumble and nod, not having the heart to tell him that, if we had even a single shred of intelligence left, we would now be poolside at the Oriental in Bangkok sipping a cold drink, not clinging to some Burmese mud buggy in this god-forsaken jungle.

Bridge of sighs

After but a couple of miles, progress is halted by a bridge, surrounded by one huge mud pit. But our driver, apparently feeling his oats, decides to chance it. Gunning the engine, we speed into the gully and onto the bridge, only to have one wheel slip through the timbers. Now, with the truck tottering on the brink of major disaster, Hughes decides to hell with it all. He will walk. And walk he does, like some roller-blading drunk – two paces – until his leg, too, slides through the timbers. Cursing under his breath, he gingerly extracts it and, not finding bones sticking out at crazy angles, staggers slowly into the night after the Captain, who has also decided that walking looks too good to pass up. At this point, Hughes begins to seriously question whether the green line to the source of the stone of heaven might actually be a bullet train to the hereafter. Stillwell's son is feeling mighty tired.

The missing link

At Taung Ché, our night stop, we sit down for a much deserved meal and drink… uh… make that a double. The breather gives us cause to reflect on "the road" and "the jungle." All agree that we now understand the true meaning of the phrase: "dry-season offensive." Only some beret-bedecked special forces yoyo would even consider fighting a war here during the rainy season. As a hubble-bubble is passed round, Dr. Thet Oo, with characteristic daring, makes a bold statement: "We can only get this kind of experience here in northern Burma." Indeed, only in this valley…

While pondering that basic truth, Rambo wanders in, covered head to toe in brown ooze, but otherwise little worse for wear. Bereft of all human rodents, he dug his truck out alone and continued up the road, only to get stuck yet again. That said, he asks if driving a truck is like this in America. Sadly, we reply in the negative. Driving a truck is like this only in this valley. And we expect, some 200 millennia later, an anthropologist will dig up the fossilized remains of just such a truck in one of these mud holes and declare it to be the missing link between savage and civilization. We just hope it's not our skeletons in it.

As the night wears on, Galibert engages in a spate of arm wrestling with Rambo, while the rest of us watch, recklessly fortified by a mixture of banana leaf and something else. Rambo remarks that Galibert, with his shaved head, looks like the famous actor, Yul Brenner. And because Galibert is a happy, jolly type, he will return the following morning with his truck and take us all the way to Hpakan. On that note, we retire. Our dreams are filled with visions of cold beer in green goblets, served up by damsels in miniskirts on motorbikes.

June 4

A new day

The night had been spent in the home of a former KIA leader. As we awake in Taung Ché, the sun is shining and all well in the world. We are convinced we'll be in Hpakan by lunch. Today is the day. Today is the day!

Unfortunately, Rambo doesn't show. Thus two of us (RWH and MS) walk back down the road in search of his vehicle, the truck that will take us to Hpakan. Greeting us is a sight straight out of Dante's Mudferno. All manner of vehicles litter the road, some in the most unlikely of spots. In places, the muck is so deep it looks like only the onset of the dry season, eight months ahead, will free them from their brown tombs. It is now looking like Rambo might be awhile.

Thirty minutes' walk brings us to a military post. Although we had passed it the previous night, in the confusion we had not properly checked in. Hence the sight of two Caucasians walking down the road from Hpakan sends soldiers scrambling. Expecting to be staked down in the hot sun and grilled for our secrets, instead we are offered Fantas. But there is more than a little explaining to do.

An hour's worth of frantic radio traffic later, our host smiles broadly and, in broken English, declares that we are "okay." But us okay folks were supposed to have left the train at Mogaung. As we are shortly to learn, an entire army unit had been sent down to Mogaung to act as our escort. Whipping out a set of US Air Force maps, ca.1946, he proceeds to show us where we are, and where we are going. This is depressing. The previous day's and night's slipping and sliding from Nyaungbin netted us just 10 miles. We are still some 25 miles from Hpakan.

But not to worry. The current unit resolves to do the dirty deed. As clouds form ominously above, a dilapidated Willy's jeep is commandeered and off we go. Just behind the jeep plods our insurance policy – a large bull elephant.

Two steps up, one step back

We push ahead. By now, clouds have turned to rain, and it surges down with vengeance. After only 200 meters, the elephant's services are called for. It is obvious walking will be quicker. Thus we all pile out and begin the trudge up the hill. As we walk, the forest echoes with the sounds of elephants trumpeting, laboring to drag vehicles up the hill.

The rain makes the clay ice-slick and it is all we can do simply to maintain balance as we skate ahead – two steps up, one step back. Rambo's no- show has created severe problems for Dr. Thet Oo and Capt. Khin Maung Zaw. Both are now reduced to day packs and the clothes on their backs, since their main bags had been left in Rambo's truck.

Nike graveyard

The trace is a veritable shoe graveyard, muck tugging and tearing at footwear with every step. Here lies a sandal, there the sole of a boot, and over there the mud-covered carcass of what was once a pair of Nike running shoes. Halfway up the hill, the Captain's shoes give out, but he bravely strides on, bare feet sloshing through the sometimes knee-deep Kachin mud. Galibert offers the Captain sandals – which last less than half a mile before they, too, are torn to pieces.

After several hours climb, the sun greets us and we begin to head down again. But going down hill is even more difficult, due to the slippery nature of the track. All of us are thoroughly encased in the sea of brown. By 3:00 p.m., we reach the small Kachin village of Namlam. The shoes of three of our party are now destroyed, their soles literally torn off by the mud.

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining

Figure 8 Our military escort radios headquarters from Namlam, deep in Burma's Kachin State. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

Jade!

At Namlam, a new military unit is waiting. We bid the old team farewell and, after a short rest, pile into a truck and continue the journey. The new unit is headed up by a manic major who is a dead-ringer for Charles Bronson, albeit in his Burmese reincarnation.

Slish, slosh, we splash down the track, eventually coming to Makabin (also spelled Makapin; 'clover tree'), roughly halfway between Nyaungbin and Hpakan. This is a substantial settlement of some 1000 people. Major Charles points at a group of men digging beside the Hweka chaung (river), and casually mentions they are digging for jade. Excitement grips us – we have finally entered Jade Country.

Makabin is a typical jade village, with an alluvial, jade-bearing conglomerate being worked. Although mined for decades, it has the look of a brand-new village. In the past few years, government liberalization of the mining and trading sectors has brought renewed vigor to the quest for jade. Long-abandoned mines are being reclaimed and everywhere one looks, signs of the current renaissance are on display. Makabin, with its broad array of goods, wears the new prosperity openly, shamelessly.

We stop for a drink in the riverside restaurant of the village headman, a tall, friendly Kachin. He says we are the first foreigners to visit in over thirty years and, in our honor, serves up potato chips, venison and beer, as he relates information on the village.

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining

Figure 9  At Makapin a miniature Las Vegas (albeit with a wicked Macau twist) sets up every evening. Like mining towns around the world, gambling and sex are the preferred pastimes. (Photos: R.W. Hughes)

According to the headman, all mining here is private (meaning joint-venture). While the village is some 800 years old, only in the last four years, with government liberalization of the economy has jade mining been revived.

It is said to cost 10,000 kyat ($77) to mine ten square feet at Makabin. With the exception of imperial green, all colors of jade are found. The most valuable piece of Makabin jade sold for a few million kyat.

All too soon, we must move on. Now our truck, packed tight with soldiers, draws a bead on the river, driving straight through the middle of the channel. Along the way, we pass steep cliffs, where the Hweka chaung has carved a narrow passage through the country rock. High on a cliff face, is a spot of bare rock. Perched like an eagle's aerie, it is a jade mine. This is but one step in the long green line, all to bring a bit of color and shine to fingers, ears, egos.

As the sun sets over the surrounding hills, we come to the important village of Hweka. This is destined to be our night stop.

One night in Hweka

Hweka is the center of jade mining in the Hweka-Makabin area. But Major Charles has other things in store for us. After a quick dip in the Hweka chaung, to kick off at least the outside layers of grime, it's back in the truck and into the night. The Major has promised us something special.

The track climbs steeply above town as we lurch through the mud, heading towards the jade workings near Kadonyat. Nearing the top of the hill, the inevitable occurs – stuck again. But no worry. Amidst vigorous pulling and shouting, the vehicle pops like a cork out of the mud, landing at the doorstep of something special – the local disco.

True, there is no mirrored ball, but the one-room hut has that special something – atmosphere. We soak it up by the bottleful. Eyeless in Gaza? No! We are shoeless and muddy in Hweka and dance the night away. Once again, Dr. Thet Oo soberly reminds us: "We can't get this kind of experience anywhere else." Verily.

June 5

Hpakan or bust

As we awake in Hweka the next morning, the tension is palpable. A peek out the window reveals the expected – gray and green – gray skies, green jungle – our constant companions. When we began this journey, our thoughts were filled with how much time we might spend at Hpakan, whether or not could visit the famous deposits of Tawmaw and Maw Sit Sit, etc. Now we are concerned with only one thing – actually setting foot in Hpakan. Little Hong Kong is so close we can smell it, taste it, tease its rough texture with our tongues.

Many Kachins are animists, people who worship the nats (spirits) said to reside in hills, trees, lakes and other natural features. While Burmese settlers have brought their Buddhist beliefs and European missionaries introduced Christianity, to many people in these hills, it is but a thin veneer. Scratch the surface and one finds the old beliefs, which still remain strong. Perhaps for good reason, as the previous night's events suggested.

The night before, we were told we could make it to Hpakan the next day, so long as it didn't rain. And it didn't, for rain is not a proper term for what poured down that night. No, this wasn't rain, this was a torrent, a rage, a hurricane blast of fury unleashed by some power greater than any of us had previously known.

Shaken, we climb out of bed and into the new day. The first order of business is to resupply. All of us are in need of fresh footwear, among other things. But in Jade Land, the markets are well stocked. First we slip into brand-spanking new Chinese Super DogTM socks. Then come the camouflaged canvas jungle boots – a wicked cross-breed of Converse All-Stars and Rambo running shoes. Slapping Moon RabbitTM batteries into our torches, we are locked, loaded and primed for whatever the Burmese jungle might care to dish out. Bring it on. Today is the day!

The trace leads straight up the mountain face on the north bank of the Hweka chaung. But the previous night's downpour has made it impossible for our truck. At this moment, fortune smiles upon us, in the form of a caterpillar-treaded backhoe owned by a jade miner. Like a giant insect, the great mechanical beast lumbers over to where our truck is resting and, with agonizing slowness, raises its arm high into the sky. Then, with a deft move, the bucket empties its contents. On the mud in front of us is a slender thread – a steel cable that will bring us up the mountain.

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining

Figure 10  Between Makapin and Hweka, the road leads straight up the Hweka chaung. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

Hooked up

Ever-so-slowly, the spider pulls us up the mountain. So slick is the trace that even the caterpillar's treads spin and whirl in the mud. Thus, yet again, we set off on foot.

Signs of jade-mining lie everywhere alongside the road as we continue towards and past Hpaokang, about one mile from Hweka. At the top of the mountain, ingenious mining pools have been excavated. When enough water accumulates, a gate is opened, allowing water to rush down and "sluice" the hillside below. Later, men will come to examine the boulders thus uncovered, looking for that special texture and feeling that sends the pulse racing – jade.

Back to the soil

Walking along the ridge here, where the sun has now come out, is one of the most pleasant stretches of the journey. We pass donkey trains and small villages, along with the ubiquitous vendors selling refreshments. The forest, in its stillness, is lovely, green-green, like the stone which brought us here. But as quickly as the jungle seduces, it also reminds one of its force, its power. Rounding a bend, we see a woman sitting on a blanket, washing tomatoes. Coming closer, we see why. A truck identical to our's lies in the gulch below, cocked at an obscene angle. Scowling, she explains to us that, when the truck did its impromptu disappearing act into the ravine below, she was on it. And she is none too pleased – all her tomatoes got soaked.

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining

Figure 11  Valley of Jade
The towns of Sate Mu (Sine Naung) and Hpakan, seen from the Hweka-Hpakan road. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

While watching an elephant attempting to extract the wounded truck, we hear the approach of another vehicle. Could it be? Yes, it is. Our truck is with us again. The road now wriggles and winds over the Kachin countryside like a long brown snake. The previous night's rain has made the track all the more treacherous, particularly when moving down hill. So steep is it that, at times, we slide sideways with a sickening motion, and it appears the truck will overturn. Our driver wrestles with the wheel as we continue the plunge downward, only to right the vehicle and repeat the process around the next corner.

As we lurch over hill and dale, the crest of one rise reveals a sight forever etched in our memories. Seven hours had turned into several days. But, there, below us, is a lush valley. And in that valley lies a town. Hpakan is at our feet.

 

June 5 – Hpakan

For over thirty years, Burma's military government has kept the Crown Jewel of Jadedom locked away like a virgin in a tower. It has taken four long days of travel, with the past three yielding a scant 35 miles, just to get a glimpse of the tower. But here we stand, on the cusp of Hpakan. Rapunzel has let down her long hair – now we are poised to ride the strand into a fairy-tale world, one where dreams come true and all the dragons are colored imperial green.

Little Hong Kong – Town at the end of the universe

Considering the difficulty in getting here, what awaits us in the valley below is all the more amazing. Amongst locals, Hpakan is known as "Little Hong Kong" because, like the British Crown Colony, you can get anything you want. Whatever the apple of your sweetheart's desire, it's available in Hpakan. Just be prepared to pay the price, which, is two to three times that found elsewhere in Burma. But exorbitant prices matter little at Hpakan, a topsy-turvy town in a topsy-turvy country, where today's taxi driver just might be tomorrow's tycoon.

The wild, wild east

Driving into the Uru (Uyu) river valley, we first come to the town of Sate Mu (previously called Sine Naung), which is actually bigger than Hpakan itself. Picture Cripple Creek, Virginia City, Fairbanks and every other wild-west town in its heyday and you have some idea of this place. Driving down its dusty boulevard, one almost expects to hear a honky-tonk piano, or see somebody come flying through a saloon window. We are immediately struck by its temporary air – many dwellings are little more than makeshift shacks and almost everything is of recent construction.

Jade – Stone of heaven

In humanity's entire recorded history, there has never existed a more intimate relationship between a people and a stone than that between the Chinese and jade. To the people of the Middle Kingdom, jade was not simply hardened earth – but, instead, crystallized magic – a tiny piece of heaven bequeathed by the gods to those of us destined to suffer here on earth. It was literally the link between heaven and earth, the bridge that allowed mortals to cross over into immortality.

For people of the Middle Kingdom, the green stone was valued beyond all else. Gold and precious stones might capture interest in the rest of the world, but, in China, they were simply also-rans. In Chinese athletic competitions, ivory was given for third place and gold for second. Jade was reserved solely for the winners, including high officials in the imperial court, because, as the saying went: "Gold has a price – but jade is priceless."

Within jade's verdant interior, the Chinese saw all that is good with humanity – virtue, purity, justice, humanity, and more. But while jade itself might be priceless, many are willing to extract coin for the honor of holding it in one's hand, or wearing the green stone on a finger or ear. In fact, the search itself has its price.

So what exactly is jade? In the Orient, just about anything translucent and green has been called jade at one time or another. But the Occidental psyche, with its propensity to pigeon-hole, does not sit well with such indifference to definition. Just how does one classify a piece of heaven? If you are Chinese, you don't even bother trying, which was why it was left for the intruders from the West to finally cross all the t's and dot the i's of this most arcane of gem substances.

In 1863, a French mineralogist, Alexis Damour, analyzed the bright green stones from Burma. Finding them different from ordinary Chinese jade (nephrite), he named the "new" jade, jadeite. Today, gemologists apply the term jade only to nephrite and jadeite. Nephrite is a fibrous subspecies of the actinolite – tremolite series, while jadeite is a member of the pyroxene mineral group. The ideal composition of jadeite is [NaAl(SiO3)2], but it is frequently mixed with diopside [CaMg(SiO3)2] or acmite [NaFe(SiO3)2]. Jadeite rich in iron (mixed with acmite) is a dark green to black color and is termed chloromelanite. Some boulders display this black, chloromelanite skin, which, according to Burmese miners, is bad, "infecting" the stone, and a harbinger of bad luck.

Passing along the bustling main street we see signs for Rolex watches and Hennessy cognac, testifying to the tremendous wealth simmering just beneath the dull exterior. Above the tin roofs are satellite dishes; beyond that lie the green hills, splattered everywhere with the brown of mining activity. In places, entire mountain tops are eaten away, as the human quest for the green stone oozes deeper and deeper into the surrounding jungle.

We continue on to Hpakan, which lies astride the Uru River. After a brief stop at the Government guest house, to wash up and check in with the local police, we plunge straight into this green chasm that is jade.

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining

Figure 12  Building the pyramids
Hpakangyi, where over 10,000 people are building a bridge to heaven. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

June 5–7 – Hpakan

Greenhorns in Greenland

Upon reaching the mines, the first question any self-respecting gemologist asks is: "By jove and George, how in the heck do they do it?" Meaning, how do miners separate the quite occasional jade boulder from the thousands of others which they also dig up and which look so completely similar that, if you or I had found it, we would simply chuck this potential fortune straight into the neighbor's back yard? This is the question.

Our investigations did put the question to rest, somewhat. Repeated questioning of various and sundry jade traders, cutters and miners yielded up the following pearls of wisdom:

Identifying jade

In separating jade from ordinary boulders, miners look for something which, in the vernacular is called yumm, a fibrous texture. Ordinary boulders show a reflection of mica or sand, while jadeite is smooth, with yumm, and without particle reflections.

In addition to the fibrous texture, jadeite also tends to stick slightly to one's hand or foot under water. It also has a different sound when struck with a pick, as well as having a greater heft (density) than ordinary stones.

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Figure 13  A room with a view
U Tin Ngwe, who went from taxi driver to jade kingpin almost overnight, stands atop a small fortune of jade at his Hpakan home. (Photo: Olivier Galibert)

Miners also look also something called shin, which, from what we could gather, is the type of sheen seen on schist. Black shin is said to "damage" the stone, apparently being an indication of increased iron content (chloromelanite). They also look for the show points, where the jade color shows through the skin.

Jadeite types

Jade is roughly separated according to the manner in which it is mined. By far the vast majority is recovered from alluvial deposits of the Uru River conglomerate. This occurs as rounded boulders with a thick skin and is termed river jade. In contrast, mountain jade appears as irregular chunks with a thin skin, and is recovered directly from in situ deposits. The green and lavender colors are independent of the deposit type, but red to orange jade is limited to those pieces of jade recovered from an iron-rich soil. The reddish color results from a natural staining of the porous jade's skin.

The business of jade

From the time jade is won in the Jade Mines area until it leaves Mogaung in the rough for cutting there is much that is underhand, tortuous and complicated, and much unprofitable antagonism. In my opinion the whole business requires cleansing, straightening and the light of day thrown on it.

Major F.L. Roberts
formerly Deputy Commissioner, Myitkyina

It is said that the jade business involves "luck." That's like calling a lottery ticket an investment in the future. The jade business is not about luck, it's about strapping your hopes and dreams straight onto the rim of the roulette wheel and letting the creator give it a long, hard spin.

Be all you can be

For Burma's military, the jade mines represent a big fat pot of gold at the end of the rainbow. And a stint at the mines is the payoff for a job well done. The rewards for being stationed there are many, for, in a district where coin flows like water, those positioned directly at the well get to drink to their hearts' content. During our time in the jade mines district, we came in contact with countless military officers, but did not meet a single one who had spent more than six months in the area. You see, when it comes to jade, others must also get their chance to drink.

 

Just how much joss is involved is illustrated by the tale of U Tin Ngwe, one of Hpakan's many lao pan (kingpins). He got his start behind the wheel of a large piece of rolling Japanese steel with a "taxi" sign on top. One day, a local jade trader he picked up offered him a spin of the green wheel, in the form of a grab bag of jade boulders. Picking up each piece, he studied them carefully. "Why not," he thought, as he forked over 3,000 kyat ($23) for the heaviest boulder in the lot, "I feel lucky." He felt even luckier after selling the piece to another trader for 650,000 kyat ($5000). And that trader felt even luckier still after selling the exact same piece for over 3,000,000 kyat ($23,076). "Hmm," he thought to himself, "this jade stuff is interesting." It was so interesting that, today, U Tin Ngwe owns several mines and is one of the biggest traders in the valley. When the steel ball finally came to rest, it had stopped at his number.

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining
Figure 14  Rough and cut heaven
(Photos: Richard W. Hughes)

Shooting craps

Of course, every crapshoot has its losers, as well as winners. None who lived in Bangkok in the late-1970's can forget the story of… let's call him Sia Poh, who had invested a small fortune in one promising jade boulder. Many others were also eager to possess it; one went so far as to offer him several times his money. But Sia Poh refused to sell. He would cut it himself and, in the process, squeeze every possible drop of profit from the green stone. Alas, it was not to be. Cutting open the stone revealed but a cheap, ornamental-grade lump, worth perhaps $50. Lady luck had passed him by. In Sia Poh's case, the steel ball eventually stopped right between his eyes – from the muzzle of the weapon with which he blew his brains out.

Judging quality – smoke and mirrors

Much of the mystery about the jade trade concerns just how a trader judges the quality of something encased in a rust-like oxidation skin so dense it hides all traces of color within.

Traders will often wet the surface of a boulder to better see the color lurking underneath. They also utilize small metal plates and penlights. The plate is placed on the surface at a likely spot and a penlight shone through from the side furthest from the eye. This reveals color in the absence of glare from the light.

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining

Figure 15  The landscape outside Sate Mu is scarred from decades of jade mining. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

 

According to traders and miners to whom we spoke, one looks for something they call pyat kyet (literally 'show points'), which are areas where the skin is thin enough to see through. And if there are no such show points? Heh, heh, heh. If we could answer that one we wouldn't be telling you now, would we?

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining

Figure 16  Mining jade at Maw-sisa, near Lonkin, Burma. (Photo: Richard W. Hughes)

Down at the saw mill

In an effort to get right down to brass tacks, much jade is simply sawn open; this is the approach used at the government sponsored auctions in Yangon. But as owners don't particularly like their boulders defaced in such a manner, one has to pay to play that game. Parting a boulder down the middle has the added danger that one may cut right through a good area.

Desperately seeking green

Experienced jade traders are said to be able to predict, by studying the outside of the boulder, what the inner color will be, but anyone who has ever seen boulders sawn open can prove the lie in that old wives' tale. Even for experts, much guesswork is still involved. Before cutting, traders look for color spots at the show points. Color spots going all across a stone infer that color is relatively consistent across the piece.

Before cutting, the surface is carefully examined to select the best place for sawing. While it is difficult to see through the skin, some cracks can be seen. This is important, as fractures can have a dramatic impact on value. There is no specific formula for cutting – it all depends on individual judgement and the rough's features. In buying, say, a five-piece lot, sometimes all are good, and sometimes all are bad. Much depends on luck, or, as the great 11th-century gemologist, al-Biruni, put it: "God grants honor to some and disgrace to others."

Opium and the jade trade

According to one Bangkok source, mining concessions in the Hpakan area are granted according to the projected value of the jade in the ground. Of course, the best spots cost lots of money, which the (mostly) Chinese mine owners pay to the central government. According to this source, only those with mighty deep pockets get involved and, in these hills, that usually means opium merchants.

This source, who is quite close to one of Burma's top jade traders, told us that the jade business is often simply a sideline. Those in the drug business don't mind putting up a billion kyat (about $7.7 million) and only getting half back, because that half is now "clean" money. They can also afford to stockpile jade, giving buyers the impression that fine stones are more rare than is actually the case.

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining

Figure 17  The danger of mining jade is ever-present, as these benches behind Sate Mu so clearly illustrate. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

Those in the drug business also have a ready means to control the miners, many of whom are opium or heroin addicts. Diggers believe that taking the drug will help prevent malaria and other diseases, but it's more likely the drug just eases the pain which digging holes in the ground inevitably brings. In any event, once addicted, the bosses can then easily control their workers, by regulating the supply of the drug. The cocktail of opium and jade is a highly inflammable one and mafia-type gangland violence occasionally erupts. Just a few weeks before our visit, a major miner (and also, reputedly, a drug dealer) was murdered in Myitkyina. The official version of the killing was that it was the work of a "mad man."

Upon signing the peace agreement, soldiers from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) were legally allowed into Hpakan for the first time. They didn't like what they saw. Heroin was being openly sold, almost like Coca Cola on the street. But they solved that problem. Rounding up close to 80 heroin dealers, they took them down to the river, put a bullet in the backs of their heads and dumped the bodies into the Uru chaung (river). Heroin is no longer sold openly in Hpakan.

Taxing questions

In all good businesses, it is inevitable that the government should want a piece of the action, and so it is with the green stone. Each jade boulder we saw had writing on it. This is a registration number, along with the weight, signifying that tax has been paid on the boulder. Tax is paid in Hpakan, after evaluation by a government-appointed committee. The levy is 10% of the appraised value, but since many who sit on the committee are traders themselves, valuations tend to be "generous."

Without paying tax, it is theoretically illegal to cut a boulder. But it does not take too great a leap of faith to see people simply cutting boulders without paying tax. In any event, today, almost all the boulders are said to be "legal," meaning that tax has been paid.

A mining we will go

In Hpakan, we hire a car to take us to Lonkin, several miles away. Along the way, we stop at Maw-sisa, among the most active and interesting jade mines in the Hpakan region.

Maw-sisa is, in many respects, the quintessential mine, with jade recovered from alluvial deposits in the Uru river conglomerate. This formation is as much as 1000-feet deep in places, and present mining has just scratched the surface. Thus jadeite hoarders should take note – from what we could see, there is a good millennia or three's worth of material remaining to be extracted.

Each mining claim is just 15-feet wide; to keep from encroaching into the neighbor's area, a thin wall of earth and boulders is left as a partition. When seen from above, the result is spectacular – several square miles of stair-step like benches, resembling nothing so much as a massive archeological dig. But diggers here do not search for mere bones or shards of pottery. Instead, they seek the Chinese holy grail, small pieces of heaven.

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining

Figure 18  Near Sate Mu, finding jade is as simple as a walk along the banks of the Uru river. Of course, you might have to examine an awful lot of rocks in the process. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

Dig it

At Maw-sisa, diggers were mining a black layer, locally termed ah may jaw. While jade is said to be richest in this layer, it can occur anywhere in the conglomerate. The first step in mining is removal of the overburden, taung moo kyen (literally 'head cap removal'). Since the overburden is also conglomerate, it may also contain jade, so the workers must search this, too. We saw people working about 50 feet into the conglomerate, which is stripped away with primitive tools.

Miners were asked how often they find jade. They said it depends on luck. While some days they might find up to 25 pieces, other times they might go for days without finding anything. In terms of size, some boulders are 200–300kg, some even as big as a house, but most are less than 1kg.

At one spot, we saw two people carefully washing a blackish boulder, apparently to see if it was jade. When approached, they quickly tossed it aside, but then went back to it after we left. From a distance we watched. Brows furrowed as they scraped away at it, only to throw it away in the end. Apparently even the miners themselves sometimes have difficulty in identifying the look of heaven.

Walking back through the village, we saw some people smoking opium, while others were busy downing the local whisky. A few meters away there was a sign in Burmese giving some local laws:

  1. Do not smoke while walking (to prevent fires, which are common in the area).
  2. Do not consume alcohol or drugs.
  3. Respect other cultures (people of a variety of ethnic groups live in the area).

Well, two out of three isn't bad.

Dike mining

It is said that to find a dike is to become an instant millionaire. For whilst ordinary miners flail away in the common soil, only rarely turning up a boulder of jade, the dike is the mother lode itself, a bridge straight to heaven.

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining
Figure 19  Bug spray
Malaria is a major concern for anyone living or traveling in the jade-mines area. In this land of animism, the preferred local solution is embossing the skin by pinching it with a coin. The Maw-sisa miner at left is prepared for any kind of flying pest, as was Richard Hughes after he had the treatment applied. The efficacy of this bug protection was made crystal clear in Mogaung, where Hughes and Galibert slept side-by-side in the same bed. Come morning, Galibert's body was covered with bedbug bites, while Hughes was untouched. [Photos: R.W. Hughes (left) and Mark Smith (right)]

 

In the Hpakan area, several primary outcrops of jadeite have been located, the most famous of which is at Tawmaw. Formerly, miners employed fire and water to break away pieces of the jade. Today, peace has another dividend – dynamite – a godsend when dealing with a rock so tough that a day's worth of drilling might only penetrate 12 inches.

Unfortunately, the road to Tawmaw in the rainy season is… iffy. After an hour's worth of radio traffic at the Lonkin military base, we were told that only the first few kilometers were passable. Thus we set off for the mining site of Masamaw, on the way passing through a small village called Kademaw. Later, we visited a mine operated by the NDA, one of the Kachin resistance groups.

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining

Figure 20  Until recently, the only way Hpakan could be supplied was by convoy-fifty or more trucks-along with a large helping of Burmese military might. Although fighting between the Burmese army and the KIA is now over, the struggle continues. But today, the enemy is nature, as this photo of the "good" road between Mogaung and Hpakan shows. Some trucks along this road had been stuck in the same spot for ten days. So high is the demand for transport to Hpakan that the owner of this truck made back the truck's purchase price within six months. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

Slowly down the river

For over 200 years, man has scoured the banks of the Uru river in search of jade. The keepers are quickly put away, with the others simply discarded, giving the area the look of one large ant hill. Centuries of labor has piled the banks high.

Jade is not the only treasure yielded up by the river. Much gold mining is also in evidence, with the miners utilizing small, portable sluices featuring ingenious bamboo riffles.

Nanyazeik ruby mines

Jade is not the only gem found in these hills. The famous Burmese amber deposits are located in the Hukawng Valley, some 60 miles north of Hpakan, while ruby and spinel are had at Nanyazeik, a few miles from Kamaing, on the Mogaung-Hpakan road. We inquired about ruby as we stopped at Nanyazeik (locally termed 'Nanya') during our June 1996 visit and were told that there was mining, but it had yet to receive official sanction. One Burmese source told the authors that he had seen some ruby from Nanya, and it was good, similar in features to that from Mogok. In Mogaung, we purchased one 0.5 kg rounded piece of low-grade ruby, which was offered as red jade. This was possibly from Nanya.
[note: Richard Hughes visited Nanyazeik a second time in March 1997 and again inquired about ruby mining. He was told the deposit was being worked a bit. This began to change in the year 2000, with a mining rush. Nanyazeik produces pink to magenta colored rubies and star rubies of fine quality, along with hot pink spinels]

Submarine mining

During seasons when the river is high, particularly at Mamon, men dive for jade. Air is supplied via a crude air pump, something akin to a triple bicycle hand pump. While those on land furiously works the pump, the diver hops into the water and searches for jade with the plastic hose between his teeth, all the while hoping and praying those up above don't forget just who's down there.

Friday, June 7, 1996

The road to Mandalay

Until recently, the only way that Hpakan could be supplied was by convoy from Mogaung – fifty or more trucks – along with a healthy dollop of Burmese military might. Fighting between the Burmese army and the KIA is now over, but the struggle continues, this time against nature.

To leave the jade mines, we would take this Hpakan-Mogaung road, the "good road," as we were told. Unfortunately, this turned out to be every bit as wretched as the one on which we had come up, only flatter and busier. Just outside of Lonkin, it degrades into a sea of mud, with all manner of stranded vehicles. Coming upon one stuck lorry, which was hooked up to a rather ingenious winch, we asked how long he had been stuck. The answer surprised even us. He had been resting in the same mud hole for ten days.

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining

Figure 21  Bamboozled
Final polishing for jade cabochons is often done with a piece of bamboo mounted on the end of a lathe. This photo was taken in Mogaung's jade market. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

Jumbo journey

Our journey from Hpakan to Mogaung was as follows: truck, jeep, foot, elephant and truck. Most interesting was the elephant. Two beasts were initially offered, but since one was already on his third "driver," having killed the previous two, it was clear which one to take. As the jumbo knelt down, we climbed aboard.

Comfort is not one of the pluses of elephant travel, but we can say this – it does not get stuck. The driver told us he had purchased the beast many years before for 60,000 kyat ($462), and had recently turned down an offer of three million ($23,076). He also told us the elephant's age: "She's now 21" he said and, with a wink, "still a virgin."

The final leg of the journey was completed by truck. It had one of those fancy do-hickies on the dash, the kind meant to tell you when you are leaning, and when you are leaning too much. In our case, it always seemed to be the latter, but the gauge must have been broken, because even when the little yellow needle had tilted several degrees beyond the scale, we still didn't tip over.

We will not go into the many trials of the rest of the journey. Suffice to say that, in the end, the Burmese jungle spit us out, panting and dusty, at the Mogaung trail head, over 12 hours after leaving Hpakan. Our night was spent at Mogaung's Dollar Lodge, which cost three.

Saturday, June 8, 1996

Mogaung

Considering the large quantity of jade mined in the Hpakan area and the tremendous difficulties involved in its transportation, it is surprising that so little seems to be cut on site. But this is the case. Other than one market just outside Lonkin, we saw no cutting in the Hpakan area. Instead, most jade is hauled out for cutting elsewhere.

Mandalay is by far the biggest cutting and trading center for jade in Burma, but there is also a jade market in Mogaung. The morning we visited, some 200 people were involved in cutting and trading jade. In addition to jadeite, the unusual ornamental gem material, maw sit sit, was also on offer. One member of our party (TO) bought a boulder of maw sit sit which weighed over 30kg.

jade, Burmese jade, jadeite, ruby, Burma, Burma jade, Kachin, Hpakan, jadeite mining

Figure 22  The famous jade cross above Sate Mu, near Hpakan, Burma. (Photo: R.W. Hughes)

End of the green line

A hill just above Sate Mu looks down upon one of the most remote and inaccessible mining localities on the face of the earth. On this hill stands a 30-foot cross, symbol of the Kachins' predominantly Christian faith. But this is no ordinary crucifix. The color of Jade Land is green and the color of this cross is also green – green like the jungle on the surround hills – green like the stone which has brought us here – green from the hundreds of jade plates that coat its surface.

In the valley below, ant-like figures labor in the river, searching, seeking, hoping to find that one special stone, that green rock which will bring them a slice of heaven right here on earth.

Some might see this search and, indeed, this cross, as a tower of babel, a symbol of man's vain quest for material wealth. But it matters not to those who search for the green stone. The fact is that the green stone exists – no preacher or holy book, be it Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Tao or Christian, can change that.

Is the green stone, as the Chinese assert, a bridge to heaven? Although we have traced the green line to its terminus, all the way to its very apex, we are still unable to provide an answer. But one thing is certain: as long as the demand for jade persists, man will continue to follow the green line. And that line will continue to lead straight to Hpakan.

 

About the authors

Gemologist Richard W. Hughes is one of the world's foremost authorities on ruby and sapphire. His latest book, Ruby & Sapphire (1997, RWH Publishing, Boulder, CO, USA), is the culmination of close to twenty years spent studying these famous gems.

Olivier Galibert, a Paris-based gem dealer and photographer, specializes in fine precious stones and pearls. He spends over half the year traveling throughout Asia in search of the rare and beautiful.

American Mark Smith has resided in Bangkok since the early 1980's, where he operates one of the Thai capital's finest colored stone wholesale houses.

Dr. Thet Oo of Rangoon and Mogok, Burma, is a second-generation trader in precious stones. His specialty is star rubies and sapphires.

Author's Afterword

This article resulted from an indescribable May 1996 trip to Burma's jade mines, the first visit by Western gemologists in over 30 years. My pale attempt at describing the indescribable was published in Jewelers' Circular-Keystone in two parts (1996–97; Vol. 167, No. 11, November, pp. 60–65; Vol. 168, No. 1, January, pp. 160–166). Fred Ward and I made a second trip several months later, accompanying a German film crew. Although we were able to spend more time at the mines, the Burmese military intelligence (MI) officials who accompanied us made it a royal pain in the ass. I was the only one in the group who had a clue about the area (other than a lao pan's mine manager who accompanied us), so the MI men naturally assumed I must be an American spy. Ha! Little did they know that I am just about the last person the US government would select for such a task (in line right next to Fidel Castro). In any event, it was the first time I had been arrested without committing a crime (a common occurrence in Burma for locals, I am told) and by the end of the trip Fred and I were saying, in the immortal words of the Hollywood starlet: "Who do we have to screw to get off of this film." The second trip is described in another article, Heaven and Hell.

See also:

 

Title graphic on this page by Dr. Aspler of www.ganoksin.com

This page is http://www.ruby-sapphire.com/tracing-green-line.htm v. 1.0

Date updated 24 April, 2008

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